Vol. 13 · pages 471–475
The Principal Architect of the Constitution of India
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PDF page 471
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Certainly. An emergency
does not merely arise when war has taken place—the situation
may very well be regarded as emergency when war is threatened.
Consequently, if the wording of article 275 was compared with the
amendment of Mr. Karimuddin, he will find that practically there
is no difference in what article 275 permits the President to do and
what he would be entitled to if the amendment of Mr. Karimuddin
was accepted. I therefore submit, Sir, that there is no necessity for
amendments Nos. 801 and 802. So far as I am concerned No. 801 is
entirely against the principle which I have enunciated.
I will take up the amendments of my friend Mr. Kamath, No. 787
read with No. 34 in List III, and the amendment of my friend Mr.
Sarwate, No. 783 as amended by No. 43. My friend Mr. Kamath
suggested that it was not necessary to particularize, if I understood
him correctly, the various writs as the article at present does and
that the matter should be left quite open for the Supreme Court to
evolve such remedies as it may think proper in the circumstances
of the case. I do not think Mr. Kamath has read this article very
carefully. If he had read the article carefully, he would have observed
that what has been done in the draft is to give general power as
well as to propose particular remedies. The language of the article
is very clear.
“The right to move the Supreme Court by appropriate proceeding
for the enforcement of the rights conferred by this Part is guaranteed.
The Supreme Court shall have power to issue directions or orders in
the nature of the writs of......................”
These are quite general and wide terms.
Shri H. V. Kamath : On a point of explanation. Sir. With the
accepted amendment of my friend Mr. Baig, the clause will read thus :
“The Supreme Court shall have power to issue directions or orders or
writs, including writs in the nature of habeas corpus................... ”
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Yes, the words “directions
and orders” are there.
Shri H. V. Kamath : And “writs”.
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Yes.
While the powers of the Supreme Court to issue orders and directions
are there, the draft Constitution has thought it desirable to mention
these particular writs. Now, the necessity for mentioning and making
reference to these particular writs is quite obvious. These writs have
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been in existence in Great Britain for a number of years. Their
nature and the remedies that they provided are known to every
lawyer and consequently we thought that as it is impossible even
for a man who has a most fertile imagination to invent something
new, it was hardly possible to improve upon the writs which have
been in existence for probably thousands of years and which have
given complete satisfaction to every Englishman with regard to the
protection of his freedom. We therefore thought that a situation
such as the one which existed in the English jurisprudence which
contained these writs and which, if I may say so, have been found to
be knave-proof and fool-proof, ought to be mentioned by their name
in the Constitution without prejudice to the right of the Supreme
Court to do justice in some other way if it felt it was desirable to
do so. I, therefore, say that Mr. Kamath need have no ground of
complaint on that account.
My friend Mr. Sarwate said that while exercising the powers
given under this article, the Court should have the freedom to
enter into the facts of the case. I have no doubt about it that Mr.
Sarwate has misunderstood the scope and nature of these writs.
I therefore, think, that I need make no apology for explaining
the nature of these writs. Anyone who knows anything about the
English law will realise and understand that the writs which are
referred to in the article fall into two categories. They are called
in one sense “prerogative writs”, in the other case they are called
“writs in action”. A writ of mandamus, a writ of prohibition, a writ
of certiorari, can be used or applied for both ; it can be used as a
prerogative writ or it may be applied for by a litigant in the course
of a suit or proceedings. The importance of these writs which are
given by this article lies in the fact that they are prerogative writs ;
they can be sought for by an aggrieved party without bringing any
proceedings or suit. Ordinarily you must first file a suit before you
can get any kind of order from the Court, whether the order is of
the nature of mandamus, prohibition or certiorari or anything of the
kind. But here, so far as this article is concerned, without filing any
proceedings you can straightaway go to the Court and apply for the
writ. The object of the writ is really to grant what I may call interim
relief. For instance, if a man is arrested, without filing a suit or a
proceedings against the officer who arrests him, he can file a petition
to the Court for setting him at liberty. It is not necessary for him to
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first file a suit or a proceeding against the officer. In a proceeding
of this kind where the application is for a prerogative writ, all that
the Court can do is to ascertain whether the arrest is in accordance
with law. The Court at that stage will not enter into the question
whether the law under which a person is arrested is a good law
or a bad law, whether it conflicts with any of the provisions of the
Constitution or whether it does not conflict. All that the Court can
inquire in a habeas corpus proceedings is whether the arrest is lawful
and will not enter into the question—at least that is the practice
of the Court—of the merits of the law. When a person is actually
arrested and his trial has commenced, it is in the course of those
proceedings that the court would be entitled to go into the facts
and to come to a decision whether a particular law under which a
person is arrested is a good law or a bad law. Then the court will
go into the question whether it conflicts with the provisions of the
Constitution. Consequently, the amendment moved by my friend Shri
V. S. Sarwate, if I may say so, is quite out of place. It is not here
that such a provision could be made. If he refers to article 115, he
will find that a provision for similar writs has been made there. But
those are writs which could be issued in connection with questions
of fact and law. They would certainly be investigated by the Courts.
Now, Sir, I am very glad that the majority of those who spoke
on this article have realised the importance and the significance of
this article. If I was asked to name any particular article in this
Constitution as the most important—an article without which this
Constitution would be a nullity—I could not refer to any other article
except this one. It is the very soul of the Constitution and the very
heart of it and I am glad that the House has realised its importance.
There is however one thing which I find that the Members
who spoke on this have not sufficiently realised. It is to this
fact that I would advert before I take my seat. These writs to
which reference is made in this article are in a sense not new.
Habeas corpus exists in our Criminal Procedure Code. The writ of
Mandamus finds a place in our law of Specific Relief and certain
other writs which are referred to here are also mentined in our
various laws. But there is this difference between the situation as
it exists with regard to these writs and the situation as will now
arise after the passing of this Constitution. The writs which exist
now in our various laws are at the mercy of the legislature. Our
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Criminal Procedure Code which contains a provision with regard
to habeas corpus can be amended by the existing legislature. Our
Specific Relief Act also can be amended and the writ of habeas
corpus and the right of mandamus can be taken away without
any difficulty whatsoever by a legislature which happens to have
a majority and that majority happens to be a single-minded
majority. Hereafter it would not be possible for any legislature
to take away the writs which are mentioned in this article. It is
not that the Supreme Court is left to be invested with the power
to issue these writs by a law to be made by the legislature at
its sweet will. The Constitution has invested the Supreme Court
with these rights and these writs could not be taken away unless
and until the Constitution itself is amended by means left open
to the Legislature. This in my judgment is one of the greatest
safeguards that can be provided for the safety and security of
the individual. We need not therefore have much apprehension
that the freedoms which this Constitution has provided will be
taken away by any legislature merely because it happens to have
a majorty.
Sir, there is one other observation which I would like to make.
In the course of the debates that have taken place in this House
both on the Directive Principles and on the Fundamental Rights.
I have listened to speeches made by many members complaining
that we have not enunciated a certain right or a certain policy
in our Fundamental Rights or in our Directive Principles.
References have been made to the Constitution of Russia and
to the Constitutions of other countries where such declarations,
as members have sought to introduce by means of amendments,
have found a place. Sir, I think I might say without meaning
any offence to anybody who has made himself responsible for
these amendments that I prefer the British method of dealing
with rights. The British method is a peculiar method a very
real and a very sound method. British jurisprudence insists that
there can be no right unless the Constitution provides a remedy
for it. It is the remedy that make a right real. If there is no
remedy, there is no right at all, and I am therefore not prepared
to burden the Constitution with a number of pious declarations
which may sound as glittering generalities but for which the
Constitution makes no provision by way of a remedy. It is much
better to be limited in the scope of our rights and to make them
real by enunciating remedies than to have a lot of pilous wishes
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embodied in the Constitution. I am very glad that this House has seen
that the remedies that we have provided constitute a fundamental part
of this Constitution. Sir, with these words I commend this article to the
House.
Shri H. V. Kamath : On a point of clarification, Sir, as we are dealing
with justiciable fundamental rights and the guaranteeing of these by the
Supreme Court and in view of the fact that article 280 has also been
invoked, will it not be more desirable to say that “the rights guaranteed
by this article shall not be suspended wholly or in part” ........ or any
similar set of words which the legal luminaries may choose ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : “Shall not be suspended”
covers both. It is unnecessary to specify it.
The amendment was negatived.
*****
Mr. Vice-President : The question is :
Mr. Vice-President : Amendment No. 787 standing in the name of
Mr. Kamath.
Shri H. V. Kamath : In view of the remarks made by Dr. Ambedkar
on this matter, I do not wish to press it.
The amendment was, by the leave of the Assembly withdrawn.
Mr. Vice-President: Then we come to amendment No. 789 standing in
the name of Mr. Mahboob Ali Baig, but moved by Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad.
The question is :
“That in clause (2) of article 25, for the words “in the nature of the writs
of the words ‘or writs, including writs in the nature of be substituted.”
The amendment was adopted.
Mr. Vice-President : Amendment No. 794 standing in the names of
Dr. Ambedkar, Mr. Mahdava Rau and Mr. Saadulla.
The question is :
“That for existing clause (3) of article 25, the following clause be
substituted :
‘(3) Without prejudice to the powers conferred on the Supreme Court by
clause (1) and (2) of this article. Parliament may by law empower any other
court to exercise within the local limits of its jurisdiction all or any of the
powers exercisable by the Supreme Court under clause (2) of this article’.”
The amendment was adopted.
Mr. Vice-President : Amendment No. 43 of List 1 standing in the
name of Mr. Sarwate.
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