Vol. 14, Part I · pages 451–455
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 433
no demand in the country for a legislation of this kind. I oppose it because
I feel that in all social legislations we must go slow and that we cannot
bring about large scale social reform by legislation alone. The reforms
will have to come from within by force of public opinion which has to
be created inside the society. Thirdly, I oppose because of the most
irregular manner in which this Bill is sought to be passed in this House.
I oppose because I feel that I am not morally competent to discuss this
Bill and pass it in the Legislature as it is constituted at present. I oppose
this Bill because I feel that it has brought in radical changes in the
concept of marriage, in the scheme of Hindu Law including the law of
inheritance and succession. I oppose it because I feel that it will create
endless and needless complications including such things as Civil
Marriage Register, Sacramental Marriage Register, Marriage Notice
Book, Director General of Marriages, Registrar Generals of Marriages,
Ministry of Marriages, and so on and so forth. I oppose it on the further
ground that it would give rise to bitterness, disunion and discord in our
families leading to the disintegration of society. I oppose it on the further
ground that it is undemocratic inasmuch as a vast body of opinion in
the country is against it. In view of all these, I feel I am morally called
upon to oppose this Bill with all the force at my command.
With these few words, yes, these are few words in view of the enormity
of the legislation, In view of the gravity of the issues involved ; these
are few words in view of the opposition it has roused and the repercussion
it will have on the society. Anybody who really wants society to be
protected against this menace coming from the legislature cannot but
be articulate and discursive; he has to devote time to the full and
dispassionate consideration of things ; he must give his humble bit of
advice of caution to the legislators so that they may not drive us along
the wrong path and that the society may not slip down the declivity
into ruin.
* The Honourable Shri N. V, Gadgil : I have been somewhat provoked
to participate in the discussion on a Bill which undoubtedly is revolutionary.
I have heard with the greatest respect the speech of my honourable friend
with whom I had the honour to work in this House for more than ten years.
If there is anything which distinguishes him most, it is his earnestness which
is only equalled by his great eloquence. I entirely agree with him that in matters
of social reform one must go slow. On that point, I have not the slightest
doubt. But this Bill has proceeded so slow that some of us have rightly
*C.A. (Leg.) D., Vol. II, Part II, 1st March 1949 , pp. 1015-20.
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES434
complained that it has not been passed much earlier. As far as I know,
this Bill or at least the main provisions of this Bill have been before
the house or its predecessor and before the country including the
members of the Bar for nearly eight years. It cannot be said by any
stretch of imagination that this Bill has taken either this House or the
country by surprise.
I well remember in 1945, at the time of the general elections, I was
opposed by certain groups precisely because I stood for social reform,
because I stood for the codification of the Hindu Law. The very fact that
I was elected and I am still here is an indication that I carry the views
of my constituency.
A point has been made by my honourable friend Pandit Maitra that
this House is not competent to pass a legislation of this character. I think
this objection I have heard so often in the course of the last fifteen years
that every time when a social reform Bill was before the House, the
same objection was raised. With what result, everybody knows. If this
House is competent to pass the Constitution for free India, I fail to see
how it is not competent to pass this legislation. As if to reinforce the
agreement with a personal appeal, my honourable friend Pandit Maitra
referred to the views expressed by Honourable Dr. Rajendra Prasad. I
have, and, in fact, every person in this House has, every respect for
Honourable Dr. Rajendra Prasad. Yet, there is a duty which every
member of this House owes to his conscience and to his constituency
and to this great country in which he lives above everything, not merely
as a legislator, but as a person who visualises the reconstruction of Hindu
society and he would be failing in his duty if he were to take into
consideration only the personal views of one eminent person or another
eminent person. When I say this, I say it in no spirit of disrespect, but
because I feel duty is higher than any respect for any individual.
The main point is, has the time not come for the codification of
the Hindu law ; has the time not come for the introduction of certain
reforms in the system of marriage, adoption, inheritance and all other
things which go to constitute what is generally known as the Hindu
Law. The sources of Hindu Law are so many. I do not want to dilate
on this and I do not want to take much time of the House. But there
is a clear case established that there must be some uniformity, some
definitions about the interpretation of the law. If the law is not clear,
if the law is not uniform, the stability of society suffers. If we have
different interpretations of a particular text by half a dozen High Courts,
I think the time has come when all this must be put an end to.
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Further, my honourable friend suggested that we are attempting to
destroy Hindu Society. My own feeling is that, here are about 290 persons
who are in close contact with Hindu Society ; here we can come together,
ventilate our views and come to some agreement and adjustment and
pass a legislation calculated to secure the further progress of Hindu
Society. When Manu, Parashara and Yagnyavalkya wrote their smritis,
they had not the benefit, I should say, of any legislature. They were
undoubtedly great men ; but I do not think that the race of great men
died with them. On my left, I find a person so great in scholarship and
character that it would not be wrong on my part to compare him with
some of the old Rishis and law givers. If today, in addition to his own
wisdom and learning, he requisitions the help and co-operation of all
the 290 persons, I think his hands are strengthened and his views ought
to appeal to us.
The main point, as I said was, has the time come for certain reforms
and has the time come for the codification of Hindu Law ? If the time
has come, it makes no difference whether one man promulgates a Code
and the country accepts it, or whether it is accepted by the process of
discussion in a democratic manner and the country accepts it. The main
point is to judge it without passion, without prejudice and without
entering into any extremist considerations. We have in this House to
judge it purely on merits and not on sentimental grounds.
After all, what is it that is in this Code ? Except for the question
of inheritance, there is nothing to which we have not listened so often
and to which we have not agreed substantially. My own view is that
there are two important things on which the controversy is centered,
One is marriage; the other is ending of the co-parcenary in Hindu Law.
So far as marriage is concerned, there is nothing revolutionary in this.
In these days, when everything is pointing towards State control more
and more, and when we are talking of nationalization, I think the only
sphere for private enterprise is marriage.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : Let that also be nationalised !
The Honourable Shri N. V. Gadgil : Now in this Bill a golden
mean is struck. The entry and exit in this sphere is so regulated that
a modern man coming from the West would certainly laugh at our
backwardness. He would say if marriage is a matter which is calculated
to secure the highest happiness for both, then one of the grounds for
divorce must be incompatibility of temperament. Have you gone up to
that ? The grounds in the Bill are very narrow. In fact, I say that
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this is a very moderate measure. You do not expect a wife to carry on
with a lunatic, a leper etc. and there is nothing in this Bill which runs
contrary to the provisions of Smritis or which is inconsistent with the
genius of Hindu society and culture. Most of us know the Smriti.
u"Vs e‘rs izczftr] Dyhcsp ifrrs irks A ifr% vU;r~ rq ukjh.kke~ fo/h;rs A
These are the grounds given in the ancient text and if something
approximating to that is not available today in Hindu society, it is
because we have become stagnant and all these dynamic urges for
progress have ceased to operate. After all who, and to what extent of
Hindu society will this effect? Speaking for my own province, 95 per cent.
have already some sort of divorce, not as a matter of law, but as a matter
of custom. It is only the two or three per cent. of people of the upper
classes who are opposed to it. But taking a fair view, the educated section
is completely for it.
On the one hand I agree that divorce must not be made very cheap
and that incompatability of temperament should not be one of the
grounds. But at the same time, marriage should not be considered a life
sentence, if it virtually comes to that. After all, just as marriage has
an individual aspect, it has also a social aspect. If the two spouses do
not agree, then the bickering and the bitterness and the lack of harmony
is not confined merely to the precincts of the family but it has wider
application and effect, and society and the general atmosphere roundabout also suffer. If it is the desire of any law giver that whatever piece
of legislation he wants to get through it must have the capacity of
securing the results contemplated then we have to judge whether what
has been all along with us has really given us the result we have asked
for. It is a matter for introspection. If today we are providing some way
out from wedlock in order to make people, who are readily not happy
to get out of it, we are only doing what I think is our social duty.
So far as marriage is concerned, I fail to see how we can object
to marriages between persons belonging to different castes. In the year
1949, it would be a sad commentary on our progressive outlook if
a single person should stand up here and say—well, marriages between
persons belonging to different castes should not be legalised. In free
India, I think there is only one caste, the caste of free men : and one
religion and that religion of humanity. ( Shri H. V. Kamath, ‘And free
women !’). This reform has been before this country so long that
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 437
those who feel that this means dissolution of Hindu society, are enemies
of progress ; such a Hindu society in my opinion ought to be dissolved.
What is this that a man should be called untouchable because he is born
in a particular caste. I have never seen a boy born with a broom : I
have never seen a boy born in a Brahmin family with a Yagnopavita,
nor a boy born in a Marwari family with a Taraju.
tUeuk tk;rs ’kwnz% A laLdkjkr f}tksPprs fo|;k ;kfr foizRa; =kksfHk% Jhr;ksPprks pos A
All are born Shudras and after Sanskara a man attains higher status
and when he has gone through the different stages of learning and
accomplishment he becomes a Shrotriya, Here is the real spirit of
Hinduism, not the spirit which is evinced by some of our old Sanantanic
friends here and outside. If the object of this great country, as has been
often given out to be is to make a classless society, then we must see
to it that proper institution, both social and political are evolved and
enlarged. I therefore consider that whatever recommendations are made
in this Code as regards marriage are not only absolutely necessary, but
they do not go far enough. But as I agree with my honourable friend,
Pandit Maitra, that in social mailers we ought to be slow, I am willing
to accept this position for the time being.
The most controversial part of the whole thing is the elimination of
the coparcenary from Hindu society. Something was said of public
opinion. Something was said of the press and the bar. In my own province
there is an association called the ‘Dharma Nirnaya Mandal’, In this
Mandal are to be found Mahmahopadyaya Tarkatirth Vidyavachaspati
men of high learning and scholarship. Very recently they have passed
a resolution and expressed views on the proposed Hindu Code :—
“The Dharma Nirnaya Mandal takes this opportunity, when the Hindu
Code is on the anvil for consideration in the present session of the
Assembly, to express its appreciation of the general liberalizing influence
which is brought to bear in the framework of the present code. The Mandal
sees this influence clearly in the removal of—
(a) distinction regarding joint ancestral and self-acquired properly:
(b) different treatment of sons and daughters :
(c) technical difficulties in the interpretation of Women’s Estate; and
(d) distinctions between Mitakshara and Dayabhaya rules of inheritance.
The Mandal believes that the above reforms will go a great deal to
minimise court litigations and foster national spirit and engender a
feeling of oneness by this one Hindu Code being made to apply to all
Hindus in the whole of India. The Mandal notes this as the first attempt
ever made in this direction within historical memory.
This is the reason, why in spite of several differences in minor details,
the Mandal heartily supports the present measure as it is.”