Vol. 14, Part I · pages 456–460
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES438
Babu Ramnarayan Singh : What people do they represent ?
The Honourable Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: They are most learned and
orthodox men.
The Honourable Shri N. V. Gadgil: But enlightened orthodox.
Now, I come to the question of joint Hindu family. The house will
no doubt agree with me that a progressive society ought to change
with the change in times and that it should evolve appropriate
institutions both of property and of laws. The time has now
come to assess dispassionately the merits of the joint family system, both
as an institution to secure family happiness and as an institution of property.
Even today, if somebody gives me convincing arguments about the benefits
of the joint Hindu family, I am prepared to hear him, for I am not dogmatic—
I feel that truth is the real thing, not prestige for ones own views.
Now, taking the first point, has the joint family system secured happiness
for the individual members of the family ? I am not speaking what the
daughters-in-law feel when they have to live in a big family. What I have
seen and heard definitely goes to show that so far as happiness and harmony
are concerned, this institution has ceased to be of any use or value. After
all there is nothing new in this. If out of 32 crores of Hindus nearly 5 crores
are already governed by Dayabhaga and if that system has worked well,
at least one cannot say that it is absolutely bad and that we must even
think of it. ( An honourable Member: It is absolutely new.) That it is new
there is no doubt. But what is the society that we are visualising for the
future ? It is of a patriarchal type ? What is exactly the nature of the society
you want to reconstruct ? As I understand, that society is going to be one
in which there will be equality of status and equality of opportunity because
those are the two phrases we have incorporated in the Preamble of the Draft
Constitution. I think with that Preamble the joint family property system
is not consistent.
The real trouble seems to me to be—after having listened to the
speeches of various members—what is being given to daughters. But
as an institution of property the joint family system must go, because
it concentrates wealth. People will ask me, “Well, has it or has it
not done something good?” I at once agree that it has done some
good, but so far as property aspect is concerned, so far as social credit
aspect is concerned, other alternatives have already come into
existence, such as co-operative societies and the joint stock companies.
Therefore, there is no need of this institution so far as the creation
of social credit is concerned. As a mechanism for business other
4 P.M.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 439
alternatives have come into existence and by experience we have found
that they give better results. Therefore, we are not destroying anything
without putting something in its place; we are not leaving the whole
society in a sort of vacuum as it were. What has outlived its usefulness
is being liquidated so that new India will go ahead with greater speed
and may attain greater progress.
Now, the real trouble as I said is about some share being given to
the daughter: whether it should be half or whether it should be something
less are details which can be discussed later on. But one point is certain
and that is that the daughter must get some share. In free India if you
are only going to say that—
;=k uk;ZLrq iwT;Urs jeUrs r=k nsork
and then say that she should either go to a court of law or ask for
maintenance, I say it is not fair.
My own feeling is that some difficulties may arise at the beginning;
when new institutions come, when new thoughts generate; society does
take some time to adjust itself. The question is not whether these
difficulties are great or small: the relevant question is whether the new
arrangement proposed is good or bad. If you are convinced that it is
good, naturally there will be some difficulty in adjustment. We must not
mind the difficulty at all.
It has been suggested that as soon as the marriage is over the
bridegroom will start trouble, by suing or otherwise, for the share which
his wife has got from her parents. It would be welcome to lawyers. Well,
when we are trying to nationalise as much as possible, what little will
be left will not be of great consequence, that people would go to the
court for a small share of it. In times to come there will be little left
both for the boy and the girl. Even if it leads to litigation, does it mean
that we should not do justice? Because a good tiling may be abused by
a few, does it mean that it should be denied to all? It is for the House
to decide. It is high time that the general talk of equality of sex must
be followed by equality of ownership of property. If we do not do that
we will have to face the charge of hypocrisy.
My honourable friend Pandit Lakshmi Kanta Maitra has prophesied
all sorts of trouble for the great Hindu society. Such prophets have
always been there in the past and they have always proved false. I have
not the slightest doubt that Hindu society has got such a flexible
nature that it has absorbed various cultures and if it has lived through
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the ages successfully it is because those who guide the affairs of the
society had in time suggested changes suitable to the times. That is the
reason why it has survived till now. Here is an attempt to bring the
law in line with public opinion. What the law does is that it consolidates
the public opinion but public opinion being dynamic by its very nature
it goes ahead every now and then. It is like a horizon which recedes
the nearer one goes to it. Modern society by its very nature progresses
very quickly. Therefore, we have to adjust public opinion and the law
of the land. There are other means by which it can be done, like legal
fiction or equity but the best and the honest way is to do it by a piece
of legislation. I think here is an attempt in that direction. Although I
agree that it is revolutionary, it is a planned revolution and therefore
it is going to be a success.
*Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : I have but a short time at my disposal.
(Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Why? You have your own time.) I mean comparatively short time for the enormous subject which I have to deal with
and I hope the House will give the subject that amount of thought and
attention which I have given to it ( An honourable Member: What have
you to do with it ?) At the very outset I am asked what I have to do
with it. I say I have every thing to do with it. Two very enormous changes
have taken place in the country. One is that we have decided to shed
our communal character and the other is that we have decided to impose
upon ourselves the benefits of joint electorates. Can any honourable
gentleman in this House deny the right of a Muslim to’ think in the
same way as a large part of the Hindus think? After all we have to
live with Hindus. In West Bengal they form 80 per cent and we have
to live with them and think with them. Come with me to West Bengal.
Pandit Maitra put the case of the opposition in Bengal very mildly when
he said that there is serious opposition to this Bill ....
Shrimati Renuka Ray : There is equally and more serious support.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : Come with me to West Bengal. I am
not speaking on behalf of the orthodox section. With regard to that
aspect of this legislation I have nothing to do. I have certain serious
questions to raise before the House which have not been raised up
till now. The objection in Bengal is so serious that if anybody
undertakes a journey to ascertain public opinion—( Interruption ) I mean
intelligent and advanced public opinion—if anyone will go there, if
anyone will make a journey from town to town in West Bengal, he
* C.A. (Leg.) IX. Vol. II. Part II, 1st March 1949, pp. 1020-30.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 441
will be faced with opposition to the Bill from the most intelligent section,
the most enlightned section ( An honourable Member: Which the Honourable
Member has not done). I believe the interruption is not based upon a
thorough consideration of the subject. I submit that it will be agreed
that the members of the bar are not very conservative people
Shri L. Krishnaswami Bharathi: Most of them are orthodox and
conservative.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : They are not perhaps the orthodox
section. . . .
Shrimati Renuka Ray : What about the opinion of Mr. Atul Gupta
recognised as one of the most eminent lawyers and chosen by Congress
for the Partition Committee?
Shri Krishna Chandra Sharma : Does the lawyer line on
precedents !
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : In spite of these interruptions I submit
they are not the orthodox sections. You go to any bar library and you
will find that this Bill is opposed tooth and nail . . . .
Shri L. Krishnaswami Bharathi : Because their occupation will be
gone.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : I do not agree that you eliminate the
profession of the bar by this Bill. You are introducing complications which
you can not think of. On the other hand, I submit that the lawyers in
a different capacity, in a professional capacity, will thank this House
for introducing this controversial measure. Four judges of the Calcutta
High Court, four advanced Hindu judges of the Calcutta High Court—
one of whom now adorns the Federal Court Mr. B. K. Mookerji have
said—that the law is already well settled, the law is well known. The
law may be different here and there but that is due to various reasons
into which I need not now go. The law is well known.
Shri A. Karunakara Menon : If the law is so settled why Law reports
every week?
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : It is because I feel that my honourable
friend does not realise the subtleties which underlie the law. In fact
precedents are necessary. You cannot cover any possible case in
anticipation by legislation. So precedents are necessary. They illuminate difficulties and they are helpful in deciding cases in future. The
moment mankind gives up precedents, specially in the domain of law,
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they will cease to be intelligent animals. That is why I submit that
lawyers who are not orthodox people are opposed to this piece of
legislation, not because it will deprive them of their food . . . . . .
Shrimati Renuka Ray : What happens when limited estate for
women goes out in regard to litigation in Bengal?
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : I only hope that my honourable sister
Shrimati Renuka Ray did represent the ladies of Bengal. ( An Honourable
Members: ‘ She does.’) She is only one star in the whole of West Bengal.
I will cite at least a dozen stars in opposition who are equally well known
as Shrimati Renuka Ray. She is only one guiding star leading the case
of the Hindus. . . .
Shri R. K. Sidhva (C. P. and Berar: General): The only star.
Shrimati Renuka Ray : There are hundreds of women who have gone
to Noakhali and other places. There are many guiding stars in Bengal:
these women social workers are all leading stars, but they all support
the Hindu Code.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : I submit that my honourable sister has
not the experience of litigation. He has not lived in the law. If he had
lived it he would have seen the enormous possibilities. . . .
Honourable Members : Say ‘she’.
Mr. Naziruddin Ahmad : . . . . . for a good thriving business. There
is no difference between he and she. According to the latest standards
‘he’ includes ‘she’.
I submit ladies should no longer be called “she”, but they should be
called “he”.
The lawyers are against this measure. Their family system will be
seriously disturbed. They are very much averse to the Bill. ( An
honourable Member. ‘ Are they afraid about their profession?’) No, they
will get more cases. I assure the house on behalf of the lawyers to which
profession I have the honour to belong that for their personal interests
they should all welcome it. ( Shri L. Krishnaswami Bharathi: You are
mistaken). I am not mistaken, I have lived in the law much longer than
my honourable friend has done. I have taken part in litigation. The
divorce provisions will introduce endless litigation and will lead to
endless complications and endless difficulties for many families and more
misery for women than men.
Coming straight to a very important point, I have to submit before
the House a very serious state of, affairs in connection with this Bill.