Vol. 14, Part I · pages 711–715
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 693
sure the love and the loyalty of our women is not going to diminish.
That their devotion to their menfolk is not going to diminish in any way,
and that the future women of India will be both true to their home and
to the nation. Sir, I have done.
*Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt (Bombay States): (English
translation of the Hindi speech) Sir, ever since the Hindu Code Bill has
been before the House, it has agitated the minds of the people in India.
Dr. Sen claims that the bill has already been before us for the last fifty
or sixty years. But, in the books I have gone through in this connection,
nowhere, I have been able to find a reference to any earlier existence
of this Code. There was however, a Hindu Law, changes wherein have,
no doubt, been engaging the attention of the Hindu society from time
to time.
It was only after 1939 that we have come to know of this Hindu Code
Bill in its present form. There may have been some talk on the occasion.
Dr. Deshmukh had brought the Marriage Bill before this very House in
1938.
Dr. P. K. Sen (Bihar : General): May I just explain ? I said that
it had been before the legislative anvil for longer than 60 years, i.e. from
1856 or 1855, but that was with reference to the Marriage Law, not at
all in respect to other aspects.
Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt : I also say that only some of
its aspects were before us and before the Hindu society. In fact such
issues were not facing the Hindus only, the Parsis and the Muslims were
similarly confronted by them. I mean only to give you some glimpses
of the history of the manner in which this Hindu Code Bill has been
brought before the House and the circumstances under which the
Committee called the ‘Rau Committee’ was set up. I want also to give
you an idea as to the time-limit fixed for framing the rules and
regulations concerning the social structure of the Hindu society
populating over 30 crores as also the methods employed for publicity
and elicitation of public opinion or for ascertaining any other reaction.
Whether the Hindu Code Bill should be introduced or not, the Hindu
society should be integrated or not, or whether or not there should
be a synthesis of the various piecemeal legislation of the Hindu Law
are not the real issues. I want to draw your attention to the fact
that the Rau Committee was set up on January 20,1944; they
*C.A. (Leg.) D., Vol. VI, Part II, 14th December 1949, pp. 576-85.
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES694
undertook the work and got a Draft Bill ready. The public came to know
of this Bill on August 5, 1944 when they were given two months
thereafter to send in their opinions by October 5, 1944. Sir, I will like
to point out also that only 1,000 copies of this Bill were printed by the
Government of India for a population of 30 crores. Subsequently 3,000
more copies were printed under pressure of public demand.
Shri Mahavir Tyagi (U. P. : General): Were they printed in English
or Hindi?
Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt : All the 4,000 copies were printed
in English. Thereafter Shri Rau had asked the Provincial Governments
to get a translation of the Bill printed and distributed. Despite this
translation, to my knowledge not more than 50 to 60 thousands of such
copies were distributed in all in a population of 30 crores.
Now I would proceed to speak about the extent of publicity and
circulation among people to ascertain their reaction to a Bill of this type
which is of so much importance; which aims at integration of the Hindu
society, which seeks to introduce a new way of life and which is
considered to be a reformatory measure. A time-limit of two months was
fixed for this purpose and thereafter the committee undertook a tour
of the country. Their tour lasted for 38 days only. They did not visit
all the cities and left out all towns and villages. Never did they care
to go in the midst of people at any time during this tour nor approach
any widow to enquire about the reason for her misery even though she
may have continued to share property in accordance with the Dayabagh
system of Bengal. They never went to Madras to know why our sisters
and daughters were unhappy there in spite of the matriarchal system
of sharing property. They did not find out whether widows were in
distress in Bengal or Madras only or their fate was the same all over
and, if so, what could be the possible reason for such distress. I can’t
agree to the plea that they are in a miserable state only because they
possess no share in the property. This is not the case. Their miseries
exist not solely because of having no property whatsoever. Formerly a
hitch existed that the women widowed in a young age could not seek
wordly enjoyments, there was hardly any justification in refusing an
opportunity for second marriage to such widows. Ishwar Chandra Vidya Sagar
and Malabari Saheb made efforts in this behalf and though I do not remember
it clearly but I think it was in 1856 that a Widow Remarriage Act was
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 695
passed and is in force till-date. I would however like to know the number
of people who availed its benefits or the nature of happiness and
prosperity towards which this Act has contributed. I mean to submit that
the mere legislation cannot bring a change in the society or nothing
material can result by thrusting something down the people’s throats
from above. I wish to cite the Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act as an
instance. The Act was first enacted in 1865 and Sir Cowasji Jehangir
had placed a Bill to amend the original Act before this very House in
1936. I intend to go in history of that very amending Bill. Some friends
of the Parsi society felt the necessity for amendment just as we are
feeling at present. Kripalaniji is required to support the Bill so that his
home may not be in danger. Likewise I have no desire to put mine in
danger. Should I also support it for that matter?
Shri Krishna Chandra Sharma (U.P. : General): In this respect all
aged men behave alike.
Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt : Quite right. I don’t wish to reply
Sharmaji just now. He may continue to follow his wife everywhere
carrying her coat.
Shri Krishna Chandra Sharma : But she never puts on a coat.
Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt : My intention in this submission
is to explain the course of action adopted by the Parsi friends once they
had thought to reform and amend their Bill of 1865. What did they do?
They set up a Law Committee from among their Panchayat. And what
did this Committee do. It did no such thing as to hammer out an
amending Bill, fix two months as time-limit to elicit public opinion
and arrive at the decision thereafter. They had with them a
questionnaire for four years which among other things wanted to
know the number of Parsis who on basis of 1921 Census might be
one lakh in all or at the most one and a half lakhs. The report was
before them for another four years and it was only after that they
had accepted the proposal. The Report was circulated in the Parsi
Society again and opinions were invited on the same. These opinions
did not come from Bombay. Ahmedabad or Madras people alone.
Rather Parsis living in Persia and China, may be only a few of their
families may have been there were consulted first on that Report and
their desire ascertained. The educated persons and the lawyers always
present an issue in a distorted way and people somehow accept their version
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES696
of a thing. Being gifted with a powerful faculty of argumentation, they
are competent to impress other in the way of their liking. But the Report
in question was circulated even among those who possessed no such
faculty. Opinions were invited from groups irrespective of their being
in a minority and a majority. Thus when everyone was consulted in 1936
the Bill was sent in an amended form. So the issue embodied in this
Bill continued to engage their attention from 1923 to 1936 and the same
was ultimately passed in an amended form.
I have much respect for Shri Rau. He has laboured very hard and
has been of great help in the framing of the Constitution. But I will
submit that he has mentioned this fact about consulting only a very few
persons in the Report itself and thinks no harm in that. He however,
did agree that the society was divided on the issue. Sister Renuka is
not present here just now, but I have to say no different thing about
her as well. She was speaking on the Marriage Bill in 1943-44. On that
occasion she had laid a claim that if a referendum were to be held and
all votes to be counted then all the young men of high spirits (Joshila
jawans) will be found to have supported that Bill. She had not used the
phrase ‘joshila jawans’. I am merely elucidating the original phrase viz.
‘the youth’ used by her. I wish to submit it to my sister along with the
other six or eight in this House that if they really think the Bill a very
necessary one in the interests of women like our Acharya Kripalani who
has come round to see in it the liberation of our women then, please,
do not give it a title like the Hindu Code Bill. Name it the Post
Independence Civil Rights of Hindu Women Bill or something like that.
Thereafter you may proceed to give them as many rights as you please.
After all we have always shown reverence and done honour to our women.
Our ladies accept their husband’s house as their own after marriage.
Sister Sucheta has set up a house likewise. Once a woman goes to
her husband’s house, that house becomes her’s also, she can claim
her father’s house as her own no more. It becomes merely her father’s
place from the time of her marriage. Her house is the one into which she
is married. I need not go into further detail. But our sisters are wrong
to think that it is a Bill of theirs only and for them only. Men have a
right to it as much as the women do. I don’t want to discriminate anyway
between them on this score. So no man or woman should take it that the
Bill concerns a particular section of the society exclusively. I shall be excused
if I take rather a longer time.
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DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL 697
So I was telling how sister Renuka had laid a claim for the support
of all the enthusiastic young men in case of a referendum. In the Report
submitted by Shri Rau in 1947, he said, ‘ Opinion is sharply divided
some to the left, some to the right. Also that those in favour of the Bill
were persons of brain and quality whereas the others opposing it were
mere idiots, devoid of any brain, possessing no status in life and without
any sense to understand the society and its complexities.’ May I know
who then are those who understand the society and its problems? Does
Shri Rau understand it? And does the Dwarka Nath Mitter really not
understand it? I have nothing to say about those people. But there is
no one who could lay a claim to more work in this field than Malaviyaji,
whose birth anniversary we have celebrated only yesterday and
acknowledged him as an unequalled cultured man. He, though an
orthodox, was always in the fore-front in the matters of reformation of
the society and rights of the people. But that very venerable Malaviyaji
had not thought it to be a proper way in which the Hindu Code Bill
was being ushered in. We may not heed him. You all know Sir Tej
Bahadur Sapru quite well. He too was second to none in wisdom or
intellect. He had declared himself to be in favour of the Bill, but had
agreed that it was not a suitable time to frame a Bill of this type. I
go further. Sir Chiman Lall Setalwad enjoyed a status in life not less
than any other man and had always taken a leading part towards
reformation of the society. He never agreed to codification on principle
but expressed himself in favour of giving a share to the widows and
daughters without any codification. Surely it is not right to consider all
persons to be wise who talk in the same vein as you do and denounced
all others as mere fools who cannot share your opinions. I will request
my brothers and sisters through this House and Sir, through you, not
to consider the Bill in this manner. And, to my Hon. Leader, the Prime
Minister, Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru, who is not present in the House.
I would like to say that I should certainly have joined with him—and
I am in fact with him—in his efforts to evolve a uniform set of rules
for the Hindu society and his desire to assemble the scattered provisions
of Law and to form them into a system—a code—but I ask, have the
public been, allowed an opportunity of expressing their views. Take the
case of the small sized Parsi Community. They kept all their component
parts with them, ascertained the opinion of each one of them
separately and it was then only that the Bill was brought forward.
Then only did they succeed for otherwise they could not have achieved