Vol. 14, Part I · pages 716–720
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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their purpose. A bill to amend the Civil Marriage Act was brought
forward in 1921 with the same object as now. Why are you going to
frame a Hindu code, why not frame an Indian code ? All the people live
in the same country—India; they ought to have similar ways and customs.
When we have decided on one common language there should also be
one common code for all the people of India so that this might lead to
unity and result in a united India. I want to tell you about that period.
The Christians and the Muslims raised such an opposition that Dr. Gaur
had to say : ‘It aroused convulsive opposition from the Mohammedan
and Parsi communities throughout India. I had no other go but to drop
the Bill and bring a new bill in 1923.’
And he had taken that course. The Hindu society is not treated with
any regard. No consideration is shown to a community which comprises
such vast numbers. No consideration is shown to the counsel of
Malaviyaji, leave alone Pattabhi sahib, Sir Alladi and Lakshmi Kanta
Maitra. What they say is of no importance. Let alone others, here is
the case of Rajendra Babu who is known as Ajatshatru. He is a living
treasure-house of wisdom and intelligence and is the ornament of this
country. Who has put the ideas of Gandhiji into practice and who could
explain them not only to this country but also to the rest of the world.
He says, ‘This is not the opportune time’. There are many things in it
which are controversial. Please sift them out and do not touch upon them.
But, what to do? Our leaders say, ‘No, this has to be expedited.’ Then,
let them expedite it but they should at least see to it that the views
and assent of all the people are obtained. There is one advantage in
particular seized by Dr. Ambedkar, I will tell you what that advantage
was. When this Bill was introduced in 1948 we all sat together and
decided that nobody should make a speech on it for the present. Neither
Dr. Ambedkar nor anyone else said anything in particular. At that time
it was thought that if the Bill was just introduced this was likely to
cause satisfaction to our sisters and to others who are reformists, who
want unification and codification and to those who are rational. So it
was agreed to let them have that satisfaction. Taking advantage of this,
however, Dr. Ambedkar thought that it had been conceded by the people
generally that the Bill was all right. No sir, we did not study some of its
clauses some of its provisions. But, since our leaders said, ‘Let it move forward
a bit’, we said ‘ Very well, take it forward. Bring it in the Bazaar’. Thus
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it has come into the Bazaar, it has been paraded in procession and here
we are seeing it. I should like to say that if all the debate of ours had
taken place before the Bill was sent to the Select Committee, it would
have done a lot of good to Dr. Ambedkar and our friends of the Select
Committee. They would have come to know what shape should he given
to the various things. Now, we are faced with a sort of conundrum. Our
confusion lies in this that if we say that it should again be sent to the
Select Committee, it is not known to what a labyrinth of rules and
procedure we might be landing ourselves. If, on the other hand, we say
that we should hold it up for the present there is another sword hanging
over our heads. Now, what are we to do? We are in a pretty fix and
it is for our leaders and Providence to take us out of it.
I was saying that we were not called for to introduce this measure
at this particular juncture because we have not yet obtained the views
of the Hindu society. Whatever Hindu society has been consulted belongs
to the towns. And how many people were consulted ? There are 121
individuals and 102 institutions who have filed written statements or
given evidence. Now, shall we say this is the opinion of the Hindu
society ? In case you want to know the opinion expressed by Mr. Mitter,
and that too in regard to each part separately I am prepared to speak
to you about it. Opposition has been offered to it every were barring
Madras. Those belonging to the Dayabhaga School opposed it in Bengal.
There is opposition from the Bombay side. Because of this antagonism
and other causes it has come to face opposition. If, in spite of this
opposition we were to say, ‘No’, what the minority say is along the truth
and you will have to accept it. it is rather hard. The Hindu society should
be unified. This should certainly be done on the basis of a system. How
can I say the women, our sisters, should be given no share? But let our
sisters themselves be asked to say if, after they have received their share,
they would still have any love left for their parental home. How much
love would be still left? Just ask one of the reformed women of
to-day where her father lives, where her brother lives. They keep to their
own cottage, homestead or mansion and do not so much as greet a
relative. Such are the reformed people of to-day. Hence if it comes to
shares what will become of us? However what I wanted to say was
that in spite of all these objections we are faced with the minority issue.
Even though the view of everyone have not been obtained we are being
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treated to that kind of pressure. We are urged to accept it under duress.
They fail to see, however, what complications are bound to arise later
on.
Hence, I want to say. kindly find out a middle course. Only a middle
course would give satisfaction to us and to society and cause the unrest
to subside. Just as Pataskarji observed to day we are already up against
a number of difficulties. Why create another big one at this juncture?
Why plant another thorny bush and thereby spoil the path rendering
extra labour necessary later on for its clearance? Why should you act
in that manner? Kindly attend to some other task and let this one be
postponed for a year or two. I should like to suggest to my sister—
veritable goddesses as they are—to those of them who have welcomed
this measure that in the interests of the country, they should take upon
themselves to go to our Jawaharlalji and appeal to him that this means
my be held up for one or two years. This would help in many ways.
But as it is, their line of thought is that if this Bill is not passed now
or at any rate in 1950, it may never be passed, because those who come
hereafter would not allow it to be passed. But let me tell you that even
if you pass it to day you should know what is going to happen later
on. Such a type of people will come in to fill these seats who will say,
‘ As our very first duty let us set right this Hindu code that has been
enacted’. Hence. I beg you kindly to prevent this if you can. If however,
you cannot do that then, my advice is : ‘Not to the left, not to the right,
come in the middle; find out the golden mean. This alone can satisfy
the community.
Secondly, I wish to refer to what Dr. Ambedkar said in reply to a
point of order raised by Mr. Sarwate to which, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, you
also added your support, viz., that this Bill is going to be applicable to
the provinces only and that if it is sought to be made applicable to the
States it will be sent to them, it will be circulated, before it is decided
what is to be done about it. Dr. Ambedkar made the following observation :
“When the occasion comes for the extension of the bill to the Indian
states, no doubt this Legislature, when a proper motion is placed before
it, or the Government of the day will take note of their wishes and
intentions and the States which have come into the Indian Union will be
consulted.”
If this is the position then what is passed to-day will be sent to the
States after six months and by the time the states enforce it you will
have gone still further ahead. The States’ people who are already
somewhat backward, will be left even further behind. You should
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therefore, kindly keep that point in view and see what can be done about
it.
I may be permitted to say that the mode of obtaining public opinion
was not perfect. I have already said that. It took us two and a half to
three years to frame our Constitution and even though we have proceeded
with the utmost caution, there are so many people who say it is no good.
We consulted the Provincial Governments, supplied them copies of the
Draft constitution and it was discussed there in their legislative
assemblies and cabinets before they sent us their views. As you know,
the Rau Committee never sent their draft report to any provincial
Government. This is how it has come up. Hence, I wish to point out
that the opinion was not taken fully and properly. The basis of your
claim is also not sound. I am in no doubt on that score. Renuka Bahan
remarked, ‘ Half of the country will be with it, but the report of the
Rau Committee says Says.’ ‘ The society is very much divided.’ In view
of this whom should I rely upon? Should I rely upon those who gave
their report in 1947 after investigation or upon Renuka Bahan’s
statement of 1944?
Mr. Deputy Speaker : Several other Members have yet to speak.
Kindly conclude it.
Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt : I shall be closing in five or seven
minutes. I should say a few things more if you permit.
Mr. Deputy Speaker : Just as you please. You have taken thirty
minutes already.
Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt : I shall speak just a little more
and then close very soon. I must say that it is the Hindu Community
alone which would quietly take whatever blows you might give it. Look
at the Muslim community. Did anyone have the courage to draw up a
code for them? Why not unite the Shia and Sunni schools of thought?
Could you just dare meddle with the law of the Christians ? Or could
you dare tackle the Parsis? This poor community alone must stand
every thing. Is it because you think it is dead? Dr. Ambedkar say
he belongs to the Shudra caste. I hold him very high. Someone gives
him the title of Muni (saint), another raises him to the rank of Rishi
(sage) whereas he himself says he is a Shudra. Then let him be
Vishwamitra. Whatever you are, but, of course, you are a wise man.
Why nurse that inferiority complex? He says, ‘ Smritis ’ continued to
be prepared. The Brahmans went on writing. What else had they to
do after all? What is the work being done by your department?
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That was exactly what the writers of Smritis did. It was a department
which amended laws and rules from time to time. Just as you prepare
and put up amendments to laws they did likewise. I however do not
wish to go into this question, Nor do I wish to go into other extraneous
matters. Our sisters say this thing has come to be included in the
fundamental right and that those who are opposing it have not been
able to comprehend the fundamental rights. “You do not understand the
fundamental rights,” they say. Does it form the fundamental right or
even state law? Does the Hindu Code constitute State law or is it personal
and private law? If you were to bring forward a bill in regard to an
Indian Code, I could say with authority nobody would oppose it, but today you are out to frame a Hindu Code and to make a change in the
Hindu Law. But personal law is not State law and therefore it does not
apply. Gaur had remarked, ‘ it will only be Avtar who might come
someday and bring forth this Code.’ Shri Gaur is perhaps sitting in
Nagpur now and he must have been gratified to learn that the Avtar
has manifested himself at last and that the Hindu Code Bill has arrived.
Shri Mahavir Tyagi : Disgraced persons.
Shri Gokulbhai Daulatram Bhatt : Saying a few words more I wish
to conclude my speech in a short time. It is said that brothers and sisters
should be equally treated. Shri Kripalani has left, why would he hear what
the others say? So I wish to say why this double right should be given
to the sisters. She will take her stridhana from her father’s place, will take
all the dowry given to her by her father, will take her personal share and
apart from this all her share in the husband’s property is still there. Then
how the sisters have become so selfish? The women are themselves
prosperity incarnate, why do they want more of this wordly wealth?
Shrimati Kamala Chaudhuri has given out that without doubt wealth and
prosperity will automatically flow back to the wealthy and prosperous.
Women are themselves wealth and prosperity incarnate, why do they want
to add to their prosperity ? With the slight illusion and fascination they
still possess they have been able to capture and subdue the whole world,
if the illusion and fascination would increase then nobody can foretell what
would not come to happen. If the wealth (maya) will undoubtedly flow back
to the wealthy then subsist Nature and Nature only in this world and
exclude Man therefrom. If by this exclusion of Man the maya is able to
subsist, then do accordingly.