Vol. 14, Part II · pages 126–130
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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An Hon. Member : He is his own electorate !
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : But if he chooses not to do so as
it appears, then I will submit to him to make the law a permissive
legislation. If he makes the law an obligatory legislation—I do not
know for what he will take my warning worth—but let me tell him
that he will fail in his attempt as did the Slave Kings of yore—the
Lodis, the Tughlaks, the Khiljis, the Sayyids and the Moguls—who
attempted in vain to eradicate the old religion and the old religious
laws, which he called archaic yesterday. I have no doubt that his
attempt at ending what he called archaic laws will fail in the same
manner as did the attempts of others similarly placed in authority for
thousands of years. There is something more than mere laws in the
Hindu system of Social Codes. Its foundations have been much more
deeply laid and could not be shaken by legislations passed in such
haste without consulting the people affected.
When listening to the speech of the Hon. Law Minister I was reminded
of a story which for a long time was published by the Amrita Bazar
Patrika year after year on a particular day. The story was about an old
Pandit and Pandits are proverbially poor. His wife pestered him from
time to time about finance for running the household. The Pandit was
able to fork out a rupee or two now and then to enable the household
to be carried on. One fine morning he struck upon something very
novel and told his wife, “You need not worry about funds any more.
I have found out a device by which I can get a lakh of rupees.” The
wife asked him what was the device. He said “I have composed a few
couplets last night and I shall go to the Raja tomorrow morning and
place before him the couplets. I will tell him that if he could find
any Pandit in his Durbar who will be able to interpret the couplets
then I would pay him a lakh of rupees. If, on the other hand, no one
can interpret my couplets the Raja would have to pay me a lakh of
rupees.” The wife laughed and said “You must be a fool. Supposing
some one interpreted the couplets, where are you going to get the
one lakh from to pay to the Raja ?” The Pandit in his turn laughed
and said “You ladies have no imagination. You people never had any
since creation……….”
An Hon. Member : Is it your opinion ?
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : Not mine, it is the Pandit’s opinion.
I cannot speak so disparagingly of women. Continuing, the Pandit
said” It is very simple.” She asked what was it and the Pandit said
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“I shall accept no interpretation. The Pandits will come and go and I shall
accept nobody’s interpretation. I will say that is not the interpretation and
ultimately the Raja will have to fork out the one lakh of rupees.” Even
so whatever advice or suggestion or opinion we may express here., if the
Hon. Law Minister is in the mood of the Pandit what can we do ? We
have to appeal to him and tell him what is the opinion outside. I have
no doubt that he will depend upon us for giving him such information
as we are capable of gathering by going round our constituencies…
Dr. Ambedkar : I have more information than you have.
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : You may have more than what I
personally have but I am talking of the Members of the House and I am
not talking of myself only. I dare not say that I have more information
than you have…….
An Hon. Member : What about the lakh of rupees ?
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : The Pandit got the lakh of rupees all
right.
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava (Punjab) : Has the Hon. Minister
not admitted before in this House that public opinion does not favour
this Bill ?
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : Has he ? I am very glad. That very
strongly supports my case. If that is so, then there is no ground for
the Hon. Minister to come to this House at all with this Code. In any
case the difficulty arises when you come into power : then, naturally
apart from power, one has also the feeling that one has the knowledge,
the information, which no one else possesses. Mr. Gladstone was once
rebuked by Queen Victoria by remarking, “You must know, Mr. Prime
Minister, that I am the Queen, the Sovereign of England” And Gladstone
hit back by saying. “Yes, Your Majesty, but I am the people of England”.
So, you Mr. Law Minister may be today the Sovereign of India., we are
the People of India, and if you don’t listen to us you will go the way
the sovereigns have gone. Whether you like it or you don’t, this is what
will happen.
This matter of the Hindu Code, in my opinion, should not be taken—
pardon my saying so—as it is being taken. Religious reforms and
social reforms are certainly necessary. No one could possibly get up
in this House and say, “No, we shall stay where we are”. What are
we then asking you to do ? We are only asking that the legislation be
made permissive. Let the people know all about it. Let them think
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over the matter and having considered the whole matter if they think
it is for the betterment of the country, for the betterment of the society,
they will accept it. But do not for God’s sake make it obligatory.
Shri R. Velayudhan (Travancore-Cochin) : Then what is the meaning
of a legislation ? Why have it ?
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : I will explain to you presently what
is the meaning of legislation. You are perhaps fresh to a legislature.
Otherwise you would not have asked that question. Anyway I will reply
to you in a few minutes.
Shri R. Velayudhan : I have read the Hindu Code.
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : You have read the Hindu Code. That
is good enough. Then you will go to heaven straight.
If you look at the legislation and the different parts of it, you will find
that on various details certain exceptions have been made in the Code
itself. Now, the Code excludes in certain respects the two communities
following Marumakkattayam and Aliyasantana laws. And yesterday the
Hon. Law Minister said that he was omitting sub-clause (4) to allow
some type of married men to be governed by the Succession Act, that
is those who were married under the Special Marriages Act.
Mr. Deputy Speaker : He said it was more liberal.
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : Well, if it is more liberal for them I
do not see why the more liberal law should not be good for everybody.
He is codifying the Hindu Law—not laying down any new but bringing
up-to-date in certain respects the existing laws and bringing in some
reforms. If you want you can be more liberal—who prevents you ? But
after all, if you claim that one of the main purposes of this Act in the
first place is to codify the Hindu Law, keeping in view the different
rulings and different interpretations and making the best use of them
and also introducing progressive reforms—if that is so then I don’t
see why you should have one set of succession laws for one class of
married Hindus and another set for another class. If you want to do
it, do it. There is no use saying that such of our friends here who
advocate the passing of a Civil Code do not really want it. Pardon
me for saying so, but let me assure the Hon. Law Minister that it is
not so. The feeling is that if you want to put the whole country on a
certain basis even if it meant some sacrifice, do so and we will gladly
accept it. But you pick and choose and single out one community
who perhaps would not be prepared to fight with you on that issue.
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If you pick out that community and do what you like with it, and the
rest say, “Don’t touch our religious susceptibilities”, then that is where
the real difficulty arises.
Then the Code already excludes customary laws which will operate
in spite of the Hindu Code. Exclusion has also been permitted for those
who were governed by separate customs although they may be belonging
to the Hindu community : so that it will be found that these differences
and these exclusions, these permissions to be able to be governed by
another law are already found to the Code. I therefore submit that it is
not really asking too much of the Hon. Law Minister and of this House
to make this Code a permissive legislation.
There are other difficulties also which I would like to mention for the
kind and sympathetic consideration of the Hon. Law Minister.
For instance, it is laid down mat all divorces henceforth will have
to be registered. When I read this—not only this but other paragraphs
and other sections of the Code—I felt like exclaiming that the Code
was really a heaven for lawyers, and that if anyone was going to profit
or benefit by this it would be the past colleagues in law courts of the
Hon. Minister. You may pass this Code tomorrow. Supposing we all
agree that we shall not discuss this legislation any more and we pass
it tomorrow, even if we do so do we really and seriously think that the
people living in the villages, whom the Hon. Law Minister refuses to
consult by a referendum because they are ignorant, will from day after
tomorrow start registering all their divorces and all their marriages?
Dr. Ambedkar : There is no provision for registering divorces.
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : I am sorry if I take time but before
the House rises I shall read out to the Hon. Minister this provision. I
have already tabled an amendment on that clause.
Shri Bharati : Registration for marriages only. There is no registration
for divorces. You make a mistake.
Mr. Deputy-Speaker : The hon. Member evidently means that there
can be under the Code no divorce except by a decree of court.
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : Yes. The hon. Member has again
drawn a distinction between tweedledum and tweedledee though it
was not expected that he of all persons would take recourse to these.
Well, if it is not registration and if it is only through law courts, then
it strengthens my argument all the more. Is it possible to imagine,
when we have a vast majority of people—thirty-three crores—many
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of them living in rural areas, not knowing anything about procedural
laws and rules, is it possible to imagine each of them going to court
for marriage and divorce ? I had thought it was only registration where
the lawyers would get very little fee. But if it is the law courts then
I have no doubt, and the house and the Hon. Law Minister will agree
with me, that it is a heaven for the lawyers. In this vast country at
least for some time to come—I should say for a long time to come,
but certainly for some time to come—there is no justification for such
an obligatory legislation to be passed. Give them the chance—if they
think it is necessary then let them adopt it.
We have said a lot and the Code also claims for itself a very great
and progressive position when you say we are giving this and we
are giving that to the women of our country. I suppose that up to a
certain point there is something to be said about it. But if we study
the social conditions today among the Hindus, shall we not agree
that these ladies in their households are almost each of them an
Alexander unto herself ? You want to reduce that position of being the
monarch of all they survey to that of a mere partner and you know
what respect partners evoke, particularly when you are doing away
with the joint family system. In a joint family system, the partners
had a certain respect and position. There was inter-dependence and
therefore one partner cared for the other partner. But having done
away with the joint family system, you want to reduce the women
to the position of a partner. If you are a partner, you have your set
rights and your set quota. Today, the women are the masters of the
whole household.
Dr. Ambedkar : Yes, very much.
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : Tomorrow, you will make them
partners.
An Hon. Member : Partners in what ?
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : Partners in property.
An Hon. Member : Not in life ?
Shri Syamnandan Sahaya : I meant partners in property. After
all, she gets something from her father’s house. She is the owner of
that. She feels she has got something by herself. Why should you not
make her depend upon the newly acquired house of her husband ?
You know, after all, properties create difficulties. I know of families,
not one but many, where the power of attorney by the wife is not
held by the husband but by some other person.