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Vol. 14, Part II · pages 321–325

Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill

This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.

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1101 DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL and it is very difficult to have one national dress. What applies to physical clothes applies equally to legal clothes—legal clothes which are sought to be tailored by Dr. Ambedkar. When a similar attempt was made before, considering the inadvisability of such a thing, it was given up. The Punjab Laws Act has almost been a Bible for us, incorporating the principle of customary laws : the present form of the law which rules and holds the field is section 5 of the Act. Mind you, for so long a time as from 1872 we had had this law in operation and now suddenly at the fag end of the session, when we have not even comprehended the exact consequences of this not very revolutionary, but a completely novel and retrograde law, we are called upon to accept it. I for one have failed to comprehend it because my structure of society has been built upon pretty good customs which have held the field for so long, in regard to succession, property of females, marriage, divorce, dowry and so on. It contains every conceivable item of legislation. It says: “Any custom applicable to the parties concerned, which is not contrary to justice, equity or good conscience and has not been by this or any other enactment altered or abolished, and has not been declared to be void by any competent authority shall be the customary law.” When on that occasion such an attempt was being made, another person as intelligent as Dr. Ambedkar, Sir George Campbell, who was then in charge of Law, made these observations which are applicable even today. The bill sought to lay down that Hindu Law and Muslim Law should be applicable to the parties concerned. The amendment was successfully introduced and hence the present law, that is section 5 of the 1872, Act based on that amendment, namely that the Hindu Law or the Muslim Law will be applied only in the absence of customs. Sir George Campbell said: “If the Council would accept the amendment of which he had given notice, it was his impression that a great part of the objections to the Bill would be removed............ If enacted ......... that the Muhammadan Law in cases, where the parties were Muhammadans and the Hindu Law in cases where the parties were Hindus, should form the rule of decision, except where the law had been altered, or abolished by legislative enactment, or was opposed to the provisions of the Act. He was quite willing to admit that certain simple rules, excepted from the Hindu and Muhammadan Law had

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1102 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES to a certain extent had force in the Punjab ; but it appeared to him that a section of this kind would import into the Punjab, not the simple law of the Province but the whole of the complications of the written Hindu and Muhammadan Laws and the whole of the voluminous case law comprehended in the decisions of the Courts all over the country. That he regarded with the gravest apprehension. He should so regard it, not only because it would open a wide door for lawyers, but because it was not the law of the Punjab. Not one out of ten—perhaps not one out of a hundred persons in the Punjab was governed by the strict provisions of the Hindu and Muhammadan Law.” An attempt was made then also to codify but may I say that codification makes the law rigid whereas custom is not rigid ? Codification and legal enactments come from the top whereas customs represent the living conditions and the wisdom of the community. Customary law owes its development and its strength to the fact that it comes from the community down below and grows upwards ; it is not reactionary as enacted law is, which restricts growth. Whereas the enacted law restricts growth, the customary law imbibes the best points and the practicability of the situation. I will finish by saying that those who believe in the present sort of codification should be alive to the dangers of such a thing, the effect of which is always to hinder the development, independence of judgment and independence of will of the communities, which vary according to the varying needs and the spirit of the people. I say, with all due respect to Dr. Ambedkar’s ability to fashion out clothes, legal clothes—a sort of Amritdhara which will suit every disease from the south to the north—with all due respect to him, I beg to say that the clothes that he is trying to fashion out and tailor will be either too loose for southerners or be too tight for the northerners. It is much better that he should look to my size—look at the size of the society and its needs—and fashion and tailor the clothes accordingly and not give me ready-made clothes, ready-made medicines, a sort of Amritdhara for every disease. I request that no attempt should be made upon me as a Sikh to foist any law which is alien and repugnant to my spirit. I for one will not accept it, will not at any rate respect it because I have not respected the ancient Brahmans and much less shall I respect any modern Brahmans.

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1103 DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL *Pandit Malaviya : I have not so far taken any time of this House at any stage with regard to the Hindu Code Bill. I had been hoping all this time that the evil day would never come when we would be faced with the need of seriously applying ourselves to a proposal of the nature that is before us. I had known, and many of us had known, the intense desire and keenness of some people in this House and outside, it to have the Code enacted, but we had somehow felt that the obvious could be seen, that the preponderating public opinion throughout the length and breadth of this land would not be ignored, and even while the idea was being toyed with, no serious attempt would be made to put on the statute book a Bill which should affect the very foundations and the entire fabric of the society of the people of this land, in the haphazard manner in which it has been proposed to be done. People have been agitating in this country either for one view or the other and many who have felt distressed over the prospect of such a law being enacted have been doing what they could to draw the Attention of the Government to the widespread resentment and dissatisfaction against it. But personally, I have not once stood up anywhere on a public platform, not once have I tried to take part in any such agitation, in the hope and faith that a thing so wrong in principle, so atrocious in details and so uncalled for in expediency would never come up seriously before the House. But one lives and learns and I am now faced with the spectacle that in Parliament which is now on the last lap of its journey, a controversial measure which is going to affect the lives of more than 300 million people is going to be taken up and an attempt is going to be made to enact, it and to put it on the statute book to the teeth of fierce opposition to it. I do not say that there is nobody in this country who supports the principle of this Bill ( Pandit Maitra : Very few). I do not wish to say that there are not people who are honestly of the opinion that it is in the interests of society that such a law should be enacted. I have no quarrel with them. I am a Hindu and intolerance in any shape or form—intellectual or ideological—does not come to me. If, therefore, there are people in this country who feel that a measure of this nature or that a measure of even a more revolutionary nature should be applied to society, I may not agree with them—I may regret their opinion—but I can have no quarrel with them. I will, therefore, not take the position that there is no one in this country who wants this Bill. But it is obvious and it is something which only those can fail to see who would not see, that by far the largest majority of the people are not only not in favour of this Bill......... *P.D., Vol. XV, Part II, 19th September 1951, pp. 2872-96.

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1104 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES Some Hon. Members : Question. Pandit Malaviya: ............but are feeling seriously disturbed over it. They are today nonplussed and do not know what they should do in the face of the danger of such an enactment being made. (Interruption). Some friends of mine, tamely and in a parrot-like manner, probably by the force of habit, go on saying ‘question’. I challenge them in all humanity to come and question my statement anywhere in this country. I have expressed the opinion in a meeting of the congress Party Members of this Parliament at another place that in a matter of such universal importance, even if it be not legally wrong to make any enactment in this way, it is the height of moral injustice that we should take up such a matter without giving the amplest possible opportunity to those who are affected by it to express themselves upon the issue. I have said that in a matter of this nature, the very minimum that we can expect should be that the issue should be put before the electorate at a General Election or that indeed a referendum should be allowed to be taken upon it. Shri Bharati: On monogamy ? Pandit Malaviya : My esteemed friend Shri Bharati has obviously one and only one stale card to play on all occassions, right or wrong, relevant or irrelevant. I shall come to that card in due course and shall show what value that hand of his has. But the interruption by the word ‘monogamy’ is not going to take away from my argument that in this matter the only right course for us to follow is that we should have a referendum in this land to allow people to express themselves on this issue and then if we find that there is even a fair minority— I go to that length ; my challenge is not couched in any spirit of doubt or fear—I say that if as a result of a referendum even a substantial minority of the people are in favour of such a measure, by all means let us sit down seriously to the task of framing it. If that be not possible. I would ask my hon. friends who question my statement to persuade the Government of the day and the law Minister of the day to allow half a dozen people to resign their seats—I am prepared to be one of them—and let us have bye-elections in four weeks’ time distinctly on the issue of this Code......... Shri Bharati: On monogamy ? Pandit Malaviya: .........and if out of those six even in a few constituencies in those bye-elections the protagonists of the Hindu Code Bill get returned...

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1105 DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL An Hon. Member: In north India ? Pandit Malaviya: Anywhere in the whole country—if they get returned, then I shall be prepared to withdraw my opposition. Shri Munavalli (Bombay) : Challenge accepted. Mr. Deputy Speaker : There are two sides to the picture. Let him proceed. Pandit Malaviya: I do not mind the interruption. Words are of two types. One is words which are mere sound; the other is words which have a meaning and when any Member says ‘Challenge accepted’ I would wish he meant that and not merely created the sound. Shri Munavalli: I mean it. Pandit Malaviya : My request is this. Let the government, let the Law Minister, put the Bill to that test and if they are willing to do that, then I am willing to propose—and I hope other Members also who feel like me will be willing to agree—that we should have a session even before the elections for a week, after the results of those bye-elections are known, to work in accordance with the results. But the Members who say that they accept this challenge say it, if I may say so without meaning any disrespect, knowing that they will have no occasion to be put to the test. The only way in which we could decide about this matter is by one of these courses. If we are not going to do that, then I do not know how to accept the questioning of my statement that by far the largest majority of the people in this land are entirely opposed to the provisions of this Bill. ( An Hon. Member: Question.) And when I say this, I am not referring merely to those people who are called “orthodox”, but I am referring even to the most advanced of the advanced people of this country, people who find themselves weak and wanting in the strength to stick to the restrictions which time and experience of the elders of this nation have imposed upon us, who wish to have the easy way of life, who wish to have the good of both the worlds for themselves, who wish to remove restrictions and restraints which have descended through the ages, through the millennia that have gone before us reaching back into the dim unknown past of human history; the traditions, the culture, the life, the ideology, the principles of the one race which can claim with pride that it has had a continuity of that tradition from time immemorial. Those gentlemen today are impatient and I wish to submit that even from their point of view, from the point of view of