Vol. 14, Part II · pages 321–325
Dr. Ambedkar and the Hindu Code Bill
This text was extracted automatically from the OCR copy of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 321
1101
DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL
and it is very difficult to have one national dress. What applies to
physical clothes applies equally to legal clothes—legal clothes which
are sought to be tailored by Dr. Ambedkar. When a similar attempt
was made before, considering the inadvisability of such a thing, it
was given up. The Punjab Laws Act has almost been a Bible for
us, incorporating the principle of customary laws : the present form
of the law which rules and holds the field is section 5 of the Act.
Mind you, for so long a time as from 1872 we had had this law in
operation and now suddenly at the fag end of the session, when
we have not even comprehended the exact consequences of this not
very revolutionary, but a completely novel and retrograde law, we
are called upon to accept it. I for one have failed to comprehend
it because my structure of society has been built upon pretty good
customs which have held the field for so long, in regard to succession,
property of females, marriage, divorce, dowry and so on. It contains
every conceivable item of legislation. It says:
“Any custom applicable to the parties concerned, which is not
contrary to justice, equity or good conscience and has not been
by this or any other enactment altered or abolished, and has not
been declared to be void by any competent authority shall be the
customary law.”
When on that occasion such an attempt was being made, another
person as intelligent as Dr. Ambedkar, Sir George Campbell, who
was then in charge of Law, made these observations which are
applicable even today. The bill sought to lay down that Hindu Law
and Muslim Law should be applicable to the parties concerned. The
amendment was successfully introduced and hence the present law,
that is section 5 of the 1872, Act based on that amendment, namely
that the Hindu Law or the Muslim Law will be applied only in the
absence of customs. Sir George Campbell said:
“If the Council would accept the amendment of which he had
given notice, it was his impression that a great part of the objections
to the Bill would be removed............ If enacted ......... that the
Muhammadan Law in cases, where the parties were Muhammadans
and the Hindu Law in cases where the parties were Hindus, should
form the rule of decision, except where the law had been altered,
or abolished by legislative enactment, or was opposed to the
provisions of the Act. He was quite willing to admit that certain
simple rules, excepted from the Hindu and Muhammadan Law had
PDF page 322 (printed page 1102)
1102 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
to a certain extent had force in the Punjab ; but it appeared to
him that a section of this kind would import into the Punjab, not
the simple law of the Province but the whole of the complications
of the written Hindu and Muhammadan Laws and the whole of
the voluminous case law comprehended in the decisions of the
Courts all over the country. That he regarded with the gravest
apprehension. He should so regard it, not only because it would
open a wide door for lawyers, but because it was not the law of
the Punjab. Not one out of ten—perhaps not one out of a hundred
persons in the Punjab was governed by the strict provisions of the
Hindu and Muhammadan Law.”
An attempt was made then also to codify but may I say that
codification makes the law rigid whereas custom is not rigid ?
Codification and legal enactments come from the top whereas
customs represent the living conditions and the wisdom of the
community. Customary law owes its development and its strength
to the fact that it comes from the community down below and grows
upwards ; it is not reactionary as enacted law is, which restricts
growth. Whereas the enacted law restricts growth, the customary
law imbibes the best points and the practicability of the situation.
I will finish by saying that those who believe in the present sort
of codification should be alive to the dangers of such a thing, the
effect of which is always to hinder the development, independence
of judgment and independence of will of the communities, which
vary according to the varying needs and the spirit of the people.
I say, with all due respect to Dr. Ambedkar’s ability to fashion
out clothes, legal clothes—a sort of Amritdhara which will suit
every disease from the south to the north—with all due respect to
him, I beg to say that the clothes that he is trying to fashion out
and tailor will be either too loose for southerners or be too tight
for the northerners. It is much better that he should look to my
size—look at the size of the society and its needs—and fashion and
tailor the clothes accordingly and not give me ready-made clothes,
ready-made medicines, a sort of Amritdhara for every disease. I
request that no attempt should be made upon me as a Sikh to
foist any law which is alien and repugnant to my spirit. I for one
will not accept it, will not at any rate respect it because I have
not respected the ancient Brahmans and much less shall I respect
any modern Brahmans.
PDF page 323
1103
DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL
*Pandit Malaviya : I have not so far taken any time of this House
at any stage with regard to the Hindu Code Bill. I had been hoping
all this time that the evil day would never come when we would be
faced with the need of seriously applying ourselves to a proposal of the
nature that is before us. I had known, and many of us had known, the
intense desire and keenness of some people in this House and outside,
it to have the Code enacted, but we had somehow felt that the obvious
could be seen, that the preponderating public opinion throughout the
length and breadth of this land would not be ignored, and even while
the idea was being toyed with, no serious attempt would be made to
put on the statute book a Bill which should affect the very foundations
and the entire fabric of the society of the people of this land, in the
haphazard manner in which it has been proposed to be done. People
have been agitating in this country either for one view or the other and
many who have felt distressed over the prospect of such a law being
enacted have been doing what they could to draw the Attention of the
Government to the widespread resentment and dissatisfaction against
it. But personally, I have not once stood up anywhere on a public
platform, not once have I tried to take part in any such agitation, in
the hope and faith that a thing so wrong in principle, so atrocious in
details and so uncalled for in expediency would never come up seriously
before the House. But one lives and learns and I am now faced with the
spectacle that in Parliament which is now on the last lap of its journey,
a controversial measure which is going to affect the lives of more than
300 million people is going to be taken up and an attempt is going to
be made to enact, it and to put it on the statute book to the teeth of
fierce opposition to it. I do not say that there is nobody in this country
who supports the principle of this Bill ( Pandit Maitra : Very few). I
do not wish to say that there are not people who are honestly of the
opinion that it is in the interests of society that such a law should be
enacted. I have no quarrel with them. I am a Hindu and intolerance
in any shape or form—intellectual or ideological—does not come to me.
If, therefore, there are people in this country who feel that a measure
of this nature or that a measure of even a more revolutionary nature
should be applied to society, I may not agree with them—I may regret
their opinion—but I can have no quarrel with them. I will, therefore,
not take the position that there is no one in this country who wants
this Bill. But it is obvious and it is something which only those can fail
to see who would not see, that by far the largest majority of the people
are not only not in favour of this Bill.........
*P.D., Vol. XV, Part II, 19th September 1951, pp. 2872-96.
PDF page 324 (printed page 1104)
1104 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Some Hon. Members : Question.
Pandit Malaviya: ............but are feeling seriously disturbed over it.
They are today nonplussed and do not know what they should do in the
face of the danger of such an enactment being made. (Interruption). Some
friends of mine, tamely and in a parrot-like manner, probably by the
force of habit, go on saying ‘question’. I challenge them in all humanity
to come and question my statement anywhere in this country. I have
expressed the opinion in a meeting of the congress Party Members of
this Parliament at another place that in a matter of such universal
importance, even if it be not legally wrong to make any enactment in
this way, it is the height of moral injustice that we should take up
such a matter without giving the amplest possible opportunity to those
who are affected by it to express themselves upon the issue. I have
said that in a matter of this nature, the very minimum that we can
expect should be that the issue should be put before the electorate at
a General Election or that indeed a referendum should be allowed to
be taken upon it.
Shri Bharati: On monogamy ?
Pandit Malaviya : My esteemed friend Shri Bharati has obviously
one and only one stale card to play on all occassions, right or wrong,
relevant or irrelevant. I shall come to that card in due course and
shall show what value that hand of his has. But the interruption by
the word ‘monogamy’ is not going to take away from my argument that
in this matter the only right course for us to follow is that we should
have a referendum in this land to allow people to express themselves
on this issue and then if we find that there is even a fair minority— I
go to that length ; my challenge is not couched in any spirit of doubt
or fear—I say that if as a result of a referendum even a substantial
minority of the people are in favour of such a measure, by all means let
us sit down seriously to the task of framing it. If that be not possible.
I would ask my hon. friends who question my statement to persuade
the Government of the day and the law Minister of the day to allow
half a dozen people to resign their seats—I am prepared to be one of
them—and let us have bye-elections in four weeks’ time distinctly on
the issue of this Code.........
Shri Bharati: On monogamy ?
Pandit Malaviya: .........and if out of those six even in a few
constituencies in those bye-elections the protagonists of the Hindu Code
Bill get returned...
PDF page 325
1105
DR. AMBEDKAR AND THE HINDU CODE BILL
An Hon. Member: In north India ?
Pandit Malaviya: Anywhere in the whole country—if they get
returned, then I shall be prepared to withdraw my opposition.
Shri Munavalli (Bombay) : Challenge accepted.
Mr. Deputy Speaker : There are two sides to the picture. Let
him proceed.
Pandit Malaviya: I do not mind the interruption. Words are of
two types. One is words which are mere sound; the other is words
which have a meaning and when any Member says ‘Challenge
accepted’ I would wish he meant that and not merely created the
sound.
Shri Munavalli: I mean it.
Pandit Malaviya : My request is this. Let the government, let
the Law Minister, put the Bill to that test and if they are willing
to do that, then I am willing to propose—and I hope other Members
also who feel like me will be willing to agree—that we should have
a session even before the elections for a week, after the results
of those bye-elections are known, to work in accordance with the
results. But the Members who say that they accept this challenge
say it, if I may say so without meaning any disrespect, knowing
that they will have no occasion to be put to the test. The only
way in which we could decide about this matter is by one of these
courses. If we are not going to do that, then I do not know how
to accept the questioning of my statement that by far the largest
majority of the people in this land are entirely opposed to the
provisions of this Bill. ( An Hon. Member: Question.) And when I
say this, I am not referring merely to those people who are called
“orthodox”, but I am referring even to the most advanced of the
advanced people of this country, people who find themselves weak
and wanting in the strength to stick to the restrictions which time
and experience of the elders of this nation have imposed upon us,
who wish to have the easy way of life, who wish to have the good
of both the worlds for themselves, who wish to remove restrictions
and restraints which have descended through the ages, through
the millennia that have gone before us reaching back into the dim
unknown past of human history; the traditions, the culture, the
life, the ideology, the principles of the one race which can claim
with pride that it has had a continuity of that tradition from time
immemorial. Those gentlemen today are impatient and I wish to
submit that even from their point of view, from the point of view of