Vol. 15 · pages 346–350
As Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Parliament, 1947–1956
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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329PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
(33)
The House re-assembled after Lunch at Three of the Clock.
[PANDIT THAKUR DAS BHARGAVA in the Chair ]
*CONSTITUTION (FIRST AMENDMENT) BILL
The Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs
(Shri Jawaharlal Nehru): I beg to move.
“ That the Bill to amend the Constitution of India be referred
to a Select Committee consisting of Prof. K. T. Shah, Sardar
Hukam Singh, Pandit Hirday Nath Kunzru, Dr. Syama Prasad
Mookerjee, Shri Naziruddin Ahmad, Shri C. Rajagopalachari, Shri
L. Krishnaswami Bharati, Shri Awadheshwar Prasad Sinha, Shri
T. R. Deogirikar, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Shri V. S. Sarwate, Shri
Mohanlal Gautam, Shri R. K. Sidhva,- Shri Khandubhai K. Desai,
Shri K. Hanumanthaiya, Shri Raj Bahadur, Shrimati G. Durgabai,
Shri Manilal Chaturbhai Shah, Shri Dev Kanta Borooah, Shri
Satya Narayan Sinha and the Mover with instructions to report
on Monday the 21st May, 1951.”
This Bill is not a very complicated one ; nor is it a big one.
Nevertheless, I need hardly point out that it is of intrinsic
and great importance. Anything dealing with the Constitution
and change of it is of importance. Anything dealing with
Fundamental Rights in corporated in the Constitution is
of even greater importance. Therefore, in bringing this Bill
forward, I do so and the government does so in no spirit of
light-heartedness, in no haste, but after the most careful
thought and scrutiny, given to this problem.
I might inform the House that we have been thinking
about this matter for several months consulting people, State
Governments, Ministers of Provincial Governments, consulting,
when occassion offered itself, a number of Members of this
House, referring it to various Committees and the like and
taking such advice from competent legal quarters as we could
obtain, so that we have proceed with as great care as we could
* P. D., Vol. 12, Part II, 16th May 1951, pp. 8814-15.
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330 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
possibly give to it. We have brought it forward now after
that care, in the best form that we could give it, because
we thought that the amendments mentioned in this Bill are
not only necessary, but desirable, and because we thought
that if these changes are not made, perhaps not only would
great difficulties arise, as they have arisen in the past few
months, but perhaps some of the main purposes of the very
Constitution may be defeated or delayed. In a sense this
matter of course, has been mentioned rather vaguely and has
been before the public for some time. But in the precise form
that it has been raised in this Bill, it came up only when I
introduced this Bill in the House a few days ago.
* Pandit Kunzru (Uttar Pradesh): The Bill before us
seems to be very simple, but it is nonetheless of a very far
reaching character. It affects not merely the Constitution but
also the spirit in which the Constitution is to be dealt with.
A measure of such importance requires careful consideration
and I think that we ought, all, to welcome the scrutiny to
which it has been subjected by previous speakers. In order to
justify the important changes that are sought to be made in
the Constitution, Government should have taken care to supply
us with full information on every point to tell us exactly why
each particular amendment was needed. The Prime Minister
spoke at considerable length but dealt, generally speaking with
principles. When he dealt with specific matters he was very
tantalizing; he did not throw much light on the reasons for the
specific measure that the Government have placed before us.
In view of this some other Member of the Government should
have given us fuller information than the Prime Minister
gave. Perhaps my hon. friend. Dr. Ambedkar would have been
the fittest person to explain to us in detail the provisions of
the Bill, particularly those which relate to the amendment of
article 19 and the insertion of two new articles 31A and 31B.
I have no doubt that he will take part in the debate. He will
probably get up in the end in order to have the last word
on the subject.
* P. D., Vol. 12, Part II, 17th May 1951, p. 8896.
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331PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
The Minister of Law (Dr. Ambedkar): No, no.
Pandit Kunzru: That may suit him and the Government
of which he is an important member, but it is most unfair to
the House that it should be called upon ……..
Shri Sidhva (Madhya Pradesh): What is the unfairness ?
Pandit Kunzru: If Mr. Sidhva will have a little patience
he will realise that every Member is not as enlightened as
he is and that most of them require a little more instruction
than he has ever done or ever will do ……….
*The Minister of Law (Dr. Ambedkar): In the course of
the debate yesterday, my friend Pandit Hirday Nath Kunzru
said that Government had done great injustice to the House
by not explaining the necessity and the purposes of the
various clauses in this Bill and that some one on the side of
Government—and he referred particularly to me—should have
got up to discharge that duty to the House. I do not know
that any Member of the House will believe that a person of
the intelligence of my hon. friend Pandit Hirday Nath Kunzru
is one who requires an explanation of this Bill. My friend
Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee evidently did not require any
explanation of the Bill. As soon as the Prime Minister finished,
he stood up and opened his fire. And I do not think that my
friend Pandit Kunzru is less intelligent than my friend Dr.
Mookerjee. However, as Pandit Kunzru expressed the wish
of many Members of this House, I thought it incumbent on
my part to intervene in this debate and to clarify the position
so as to dispel the two arguments which had been used in
the course of the debate, that there was no necessity for the
amendment of the Constitution, and secondly, that Government
could wait and give the country and the public larger and
longer time and should not rush through this measure. In
the observations that I propose to make, I will take the Bill
clause by clause and try to explain the necessity for making
the changes which the Bill proposes to make.
* P. D., Vol. 12, Part II, 18th May 1951, pp. 9004-32.
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332 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
I will begin with clause 2 of the Bill. Clause 2 of the
Bill proposes to amend article 15. The necessity for the
amendment of article 15 has arisen on account of the judgments
recently-delivered by the Supreme Court in two cases which
came up before them from the Madras State. One case was
Madras vs. Shrimati Champakam Dorairajan and the other
was Venkatraman vs. the State of Madras. In the case of
Venkataraman the article involved was article 16, clause (4)
and in the case of Shrimati Champakam the article involved
was article 29, clause (2). In the one case the question involved
was the reservation for backward classes in public services and
in the other case, the question involved was the reservation
for backward classes in educational institutions. The question
turned upon what is known in the Madras Presidency and
elsewhere as the Communal G.O. The argument on which the
Communal G.O. of the Madras Government was declared to be
void and invalid was this. It was said by the Supreme Court
that article 29, clause (2), did not have a saving clause like
clause (4) attached to article 16. As the House will remember
under clause (4) of article 16, a special provision is made
that article 16 shall not stand in the way of the Government
making a suitable provision for the representation of backward
classes in the services. Such a provision of course is not to
be found in article 29. With regard to article 16, clause (4),
the Supreme Court came to the conclusion that it involved
discrimination on the ground of caste and therefore it was
invalid. I have carefully studied both these judgments of
the Supreme Court and with all respect to the judges of the
Supreme court I cannot help saying that I find this judgment
to be utterly unsatisfactory.
Shri Naziruddin Ahmad (West Bengal): Sir, on a point
of order. Is it in order for any Member to express disrespect
to the highest judiciary in the land ? It is the custom in
Parliament not to speak disparagingly about the courts.
Dr. Ambedkar : There is no disparagement of the learned
Judges at all.
Mr. Speaker: I myself felt that the word should not have
been used but I think what the Hon. Law Minister meant
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333PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
was that judgment was unsatisfactory from the point of view
of what the Government proposed to do.
Dr. Ambedkar: The judgment does not appear to be in
consonance with the articles of the Constitution. That is my
point.
Mr. Speaker: I am afraid the Hon. Minister will not be in
order to pass any such structures on any judgment expressed
by the Supreme Court.
Dr. Ambedkar: I am very sorry.
Mr. Speaker: I was thinking whether what he expressed
was not capable of a different interpretation viz. that the
judgment was unsatisfactory from the point of view of what
the Government proposed to do.
The Minister of Home Affairs (Shri Rajagopalachari):
Will the hon. Speaker forgive my intervention ? I think
really what the Hon. Law Minister meant is that a doubt
has arisen on account of the judgment.
Mr. Speaker : Let us now proceed.
Dr. Ambedkar : My view is that in article 29, clause (2),
the most important word is ‘only’. No distinction shall be made
on the ground only of race, religion or sex. The word ‘only’
is very important. It does not exclude any distinction being
made on grounds other than those mentioned in this article
and I respectfully submit that the word ‘only’ did not receive
the same consideration which it ought to have received.
Then with regard to article 16, clause (4), my submission
is this that it is really impossible to make any reservation
which would not result in excluding somebody who has a
caste. I think it has to be borne in mind and it is one of the
fundamental principles which I believe is stated in Mulla’s
last edition on the very first page that there is no Hindu
who has not a caste. Every Hindu has a caste—he is either
a Brahmin or a Mahratta or a Kunby or a Kumbhar or
a carpenter. There is no Hindu—that is the fundamental
proposition—who has not a caste. Consequently, if you make
a reservation in favour of what are called backward classes