Vol. 15 · pages 981–985
As Free India's First Law Minister and Member of Opposition in Parliament, 1947–1956
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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962 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
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STATES REORGANISATION BILL, 1956
*Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Bombay): Mr. Deputy Chairman,
the storm centre of the debate on this Bill as I see it from
the papers is the position assigned to the City of Bombay. As
is obvious from the Bill this City which was a premier city
in the civic affairs of this country has been brought down
to the level of Adaman and Nicobar Islands—what has been
described in our Constitution as the territories of India. That
means that these territories and now the City of Bombay
will not have any Legislature or Executive. Nobody in his
widest dreams could have conceived of such a madness. A city
which has been in the forefront of India, which has taught
politics of India, is now placed on the level of the Laccadive
and Maldive Islands and the Nicobar Islands. I am sure that
the Government which has fostered this proposal must have
the strongest reasons, incontrovertible reasons, in order to
justify the decision that they have taken. There have been
contestants to the claim for the City of Bombay. There are
the Maharashtrians who claim that the city belongs to them.
There are our Gujarati friends; I do not know on what basis
they lay their claim, but they claim a kind of an easement
over the city. They say that they will not allow the city to
go into the possession of the Maharashtrians and the quarrel
is going on. It has been admitted by no less a person than
Mr. Morarji Desai that Bombay belongs to Maharashtra.
I have read his speech which he delivered to the Gujarat
Maha Pradesh Congress, or something like that, in which
he categorically made this statement that Bombay belongs to
Maharashtra. If that is so, I am quite unable to understand
what objection there can be for the city of Bombay to be given
to Maharashtra. Under the British regime when citizenship
was common, any man could go anywhere and reside and the
*P. D., (R. SO, Vol. 12-A of 1956, 1st May 1956, pp. 834-46.
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963PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
local people could not object. Under those circumstances various
people from various Provinces have gone to cities located in
other Provinces. They built up their interests and have lived
there for generations. But in the redistribution that we are
now making, I have not seen anybody—Non-Madrasi living
in Madras—raising objection to Madras being given to the
Tamilian. Calcutta is equally a cosmopolitan city. When I was
the Labour Member, I had often to visit Calcutta in order to
see the labour conditions there and I found that the Bengal
people did not call the people living in Calcutta as ‘Bengali’.
Their word was “ Calcuttiya” These are “Calcuttiyas” That
shows that they were not part of Bengali population, and it
is a huge population. Notwithstanding this, our friends, the
Congress Party people, have never raised any objection; nor the
Calcuttiyas” have ever raised any objection to Calcutta being
handed over to the Bengali. My first question to my Friend,
Mr. Pant, is this. If Calcutta can go to Bengali and Madras
can go to Tamilian, what objection is there for Bombay to go to
Maharashtra ? That, I think, is a fundamental question which
he must satisfy the Maharashtrians about. Yes, it is said that
there is in Bombay a Gujarati population which amounts to
not more than 15 per cent, and that the Maharashtrians do
not form a majority of the population. It is said that that is
the reason which vitiates the claim of the Maharashtrians over
Bombay. I wonder whether there are any cities in this country
where the foreign population in the city is not 15 per cent,
and the position of Bombay, it is said, by reason of the fact
that 15 per cent, are Gujaratis is in a sense peculiar. How is
it peculiar ? One can give any number of illustrations to show
that our cities are always a mixed quarter. No city can claim to
have a uniform population of its own. And if notwithstanding
this fact the other city can claim to belong to West Bengal,
I am quite unable to understand why Bombay City should
not make a similar claim. There are some people who have
said that Bombay never belonged to Maharashtra. Well, I am
surprised at the knowledge of those who made the statement,
I am very much surprised. Who were the first inhabitants of
Bombay ? They were the kolis—the fishermen—and do the
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964 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
fishermen say that they are not Maharashtrians ? I would
like any one to go and make enquiries and find out what is
the opinion of the kolis who were the original inhabitants of
Maharashtra. If those ladies and gentlemen who have indulged
in these wild allegations want to know a little bit of its
characteristics, I should like to tell them that even before the
Portuguese acquired Bombay, Bombay belonged to a dowager
queen called Lakshmi Bai and the Portuguese took it as a
tenancy from her. It did not even belong to the Portuguese. The
Portuguese never conquered it. They took it. The poor queen
subsequently could do nothing. Ultimately, it was transferred
to the British as a dowry to the wife of Charles II. It was
so small that the dowry was not more than £10. That was
because Bombay was what I shall call a place occupied by a
few kolis. I have got with me the original print of the original
Bombay when it transferred itself from the Portuguese to the
British. Therefore, historically, geographically and logically—
the logic which we have applied to other cities—I cannot see
how anybody can dispute the claim of the Maharashtrians to
have the city to themselves.
Of course, there is a wide difference of opinion between
myself and the rest of the Maharashtrians. The rest of the
Maharashtrians want Bombay as part of a United Maharashtra.
Now, I am very much against this United Maharashtra. I do
not understand why Maharashtrians should want a United
Maharashtra and I am sure about it that in the course of
future history, we are not going to war with U. P. nor are
we going to war with any of the northern territories like
-Rajasthan. Why do you want a United Maharashtra ? I
am at one with Maharashtrians that Bombay belongs to
Maharashtra. On that, I will fight tooth and nail. There can
be no doubt on that point at all. And therefore I had suggested
that the Government might give Bombay a separate status
as a City State and call it the “Maharashtra City State” so
that it will be part of Maharashtra and at the same time,
it will enjoy the status of an ‘A’ class State. But since the
Government, for some reason which it is very difficult for me
to understand, is going to reduce the status of Bombay City
to that of the Nicobar Islands, I tell them right now that I
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965PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES
reverse my position and fight with them along with the rest
of the Maharashstrians. Now that is what I want to say about
Maharashtra.
With regard to the question that the Maharashtrians in
Bombay City do not form a majority, I like to clear that idea.
I think that there is a lot of misunderstanding. Some census
figure has been dug out which said that the population of
Maharashtrians in Bombay is 46 per “cent, or something
like that. Therefore they are not in a majority. Sir, it is a
complete misunderstanding. Any man who knows the census
operation, who knows statistics and who knows the peculiar
statistics of Bombay City would pay no attention to that figure.
The census figure records the state of affairs on a particular
day on which the census is taken. It does not indicate the
common state of affairs. What happened on a particular day
is taken as the typical example, but it is not typical at all.
Secondly, the important point to be noticed is that Bombay
City is one of the cities which is most subjected to immigration
and emigration. Unfortunately, in the year 1941 when the
new census was taken, the Government of India, in order
to shorten their labour, did not repeal the immigration and
emigration report figures for the year 1931. But if one were
to go into the figures given on immigration and emigration in
the census of 1931, he will find what violent changes there
are in the immigration and emigration position. I do not think
that even the non-Maharashtrian population which appears
to be in a majority is permanently there in a majority. Most
of them come for seasonal labour. If they happen to be there
on the day of census, their existence is recorded as ‘residents
of Bombay’. On the next day, they might as well leave for
their native places, because they have made enough money
for their living. In these circumstances, can anybody accept
the census figures as true figures of the citizens of Bombay?
I deny that conclusion altogether. I have been a student of
the census statistics. I have studied them considerably. I
know what they mean. Therefore, the claim that these figures
show that the population of the Maharashtrians is less is
absolutely ambiguous, if not bogus. It has no value. It only
indicates what happened to be on a particular day on which
the census was recorded.
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966 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Now, I have said that I did not agree with the majority
of the Maharashtrians, if I may say so, that there should be
a united Maharashtra. My contention is that there should
not be. I am going to say the same thing about U. P., about
Rajasthan and about these huge Hindi reptile provinces,
which have been looming large before us. I shudder to see
U. P. standing before me in that shape.
Shri H. P. Saksena (Uttar Pradesh): God save your soul.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Do not pray for my soul. I have
no soul. I am a Buddhist. Nobody need take the trouble of
praying for my soul. I do not believe in God. I have no soul.
I have spared you that trouble.
Now, I am surprised, I must say, that the Commission
should have retained U.P. as it is, should have retained
Rajasthan as it is, and should have linked up the two provinces
of Vindhya Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh into one.
Shri K. S. Hedge (Madras): Madhya Bharat.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: What does this mean ? I have made
a little calculation. The area of U.P. is 1,14,323 sq. miles.
Its population is 6,32,54,118. Bihar : The area is 70,368 sq.
miles; its population is 4,02,18,916. Madhya Pradesh: Area is
2,01,633 sq. miles; its population is 3,28,46,971.1 know I have
to deduct something here for Vidarbha. Rajasthan : Area is
1,28,424 sq. miles; population is 1,52,97,979. The total area
is 10 crore sq. miles and population is about 15 crores.
Shri T. Pande (Uttar Pradesh): Ten lakh sq. miles.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: That does not matter very much
to my argument.
The question that requires to be dealt with in my judgement
is a very serious question. Are we to have one State for one
language, or are we to have one language for one State ? If
this question had no political consequences, nobody would
bother about it, but the trouble is that this question has
very serious political consequences. In the United States,
the population of the various States differs. In some States
it is small, and in some States it is big. But the Americans
do not mind it on account of the fact that the States have