Vol. 17, Part I · pages 141–145
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Struggle for Human Rights
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116 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
received from the farthest Untouchable corner of India—from
the places which he had never visited and from the men he
had never seen—telegrams supporting the stand taken by
him. He then told the Committee that either the Committee
should solve the problem or the British Government should
undertake its solution. In his utter disappointment and fear
he said that the Depressed Classes were not anxious about
the transfer of power under the present circumstances, but
if the Government wanted to transfer power, it should be
accompanied by such conditions and by such provisions that
the power should not find itself into the hands of a clique,
into the hands of the oligarchy, or into the hands of a group of
people whether Mohammedans or Hindus; the solution should
be such that the power should be shared by all communities
in their respective proportions.
The Prime Minister appealed to the Delegates not to
attribute causes to any method by which they had been elected
or to their own personal shortcomings. He asked them to face
the facts and asked them whether the problem existed in
India or not. The speech of the Premier was rather pungent
in tone and some called it ingrate, full of bitter sideshafts
against Gandhi.
Dr. Ambedkar’s vigorous propaganda did not stop here. He
wrote from London, on October 12, a letter to The Times of
India throwing light on the whole episode. “We are, however,
reliably informed,” he wrote, “that in carrying his negotiations
with our Muslim friends, Mr. Gandhi demanded that as one
of the conditions for his accepting their fourteen points, they
should oppose the claims of the Depressed Classes, and the
smaller minorities.” “To say in public,” Dr. Ambedkar observed
with his caustic ruthlessness,” I will agree if all others agree,
and then to set out to work in private to prevent others from
so agreeing by buying off those who are willing to agree, is,
in our opinion, a piece of conduct unbecoming a Mahatma
and to be expected only from an inveterate opponent of the
Depressed Classes. Mr. Gandhi is not only not playing the
part of a friend of the Depressed Classes, but he is not even
playing the part of an honest foe.”
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In his letter home Dr. Ambedkar foretold that the
Round Table Conference would end in a fiasco, and in his
opinion Gandhi was responsible for that failure. According to
Dr. Ambedkar, Gandhi’s partiality, discriminating conduct in
solving the problem of the minorities, his equivocal manner of
dealing, his absolute disregard for the other representatives, the
insults he inflicted upon them—all these qualities did not help
Gandhi to solve the problem tactfully, Dr. Ambedkar further
observed that Gandhi’s diabolical way of playing one community
against another was now quite clear ! His undemocratic mental
set-up, Dr. Ambedkar concluded, had given a rude shock to a
man like Harold Laski, and Congress leaders, like Vithalbhai
Patel. were murmuring disapproval of Gandhi’s mishandling
the situation !
Gandhi’s hostility to the demands put forth by Dr. Ambedkar
had wide repercussions and reaction in the quarters of the
Untouchables all over India. The All-India Depressed Classes
Conference. under the presidentship of Rao Bahadur M. C.
Rajah, at its Gurgaon session, declared that Gandhi was
misrepresenting the case of the Untouchables, and strongly
denounced the claim made by Gandhi that the Congress had
been taking care of the Untouchables from the beginning and
had championed the cause of the Untouchables. “I say,” said
Rajah, the President of the Conference, “that these statements
are untrue.”
The Conference supported the demands put forth by
Dr. Ambedkar and declared that no constitution would be
acceptable to the Depressed Classes which did not include
in it the system of Separate Electorates for the Depressed
Classes. Messages requesting Dr. Ambedkar not to put faith
in Gandhi and in the Congress were sent to Dr. Ambedkar in
hundreds by the Depressed Classes leaders and associations
from all parts of India, and by public meetings and conferences
held at Tinnevelly, Robertson (Madras), Lyallpur, Karnal,
Chidambaram, Calicut, Banaras, Kolhapur, Yeotmal, Nagpur,
Chanda, Kanpur, Kamptee, Belgaum, Dharwar, Nasik, Hubli,
Ahmedabad, Tuticorin, Colombo and at several other places.
These vociferous cablegrams demonstrated who was the real
representative of the Depressed Classes. Gandhi, no doubt received
a few cables, but they were insufficient to meet the queries
which Gandhi was pestered with in his talks and discourses at
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different places in London. Such was the powerful effect
of Dr. Ambedkar’s fighting propaganda that Gandhi was
really nonplussed, and his assumed guardianship of the
Untouchables lay exposed !
This exposure became more pronounced at this juncture
by the temple entry movement launched by the Depressed
Classes in India, at Nasik and at Guruvayur. The revival
of Satyagraha at Nasik gained a tremendous momentum.
Five thousand volunteers poured in Nasik. Dr. Ambedkar’s
devoted lieutenant, Bhaurao Gaikwad, Depressed Classes
leaders like Rankhambe, Patitpavandas and trusted
lieutenant Deorao Naik, fought out the struggle, exposing
the Orthodox Hindus and the pretended sincerity of the
Hindu leaders in their true perspective. The shame was
so carping that Dr. Moonje appealed from London to the
Hindus not to deny these civic and religious rights to
their kith and kin at their own peril. The gates of the
Kalaram Temple were closed as was done during the
previous Satyagraha.
Dr. Ambedkar was happy over this timely support from
his people in exposing the caste Hindu behaviour. He sent
a message to his people from London.*
The Nasik Satyagraha was carried on with unique
enthusiasm and determination. Mass meetings were held,
and big procession were taken out. Several volunteers and
leaders were arrested. They bravely courted imprisonment
and faced jail. The News in the London Times about these
arrests and the developments of the Satyagraha added to
the weight of Dr. Ambedkar’s say.
After the clash with Gandhi, Dr. Ambedkar took
part in the discussions on the Fiscal system which
was adumbrated by the Sub-Committee for the Federal
Government. He made a very thought-provoking and
illuminating speech on the composition of the Federal
Court in which, Jinnahh, Jayakar, Lord Sankey and
* See Pp 192-193, of this part.
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Lord Lothian, too, took much interest, and he was asked to
clarify some of his points.
In spite of this heavy work, Dr. Ambedkar was very
busy giving private interviews and explanations, issuing
statements and counter-statements and making speeches at
different instiutions in London in support of his stand at
the Round Table Conference. His speech at the Institution
of International Affairs proved very effective in demolishing
Gandhi’s platform. Those who were puzzled by Gandhi’s
extreme opposition to the demands of the Depressed
Classes ran to Dr. Ambedkar to seek clarification of his
stand. Miss Muriel Lester, with whom Gandhi was staying,
saw Dr. Ambedkar who explained his standpoint to her.
A common friend of Ambedkar and Gandhi invited both
the leaders to tea and tried to reconcile them. Ambedkar
admitted that Gandhi had done work for the uplift of the
Untouchables in his humanitarian way and was striving to
abolish Untouchability : but they differed fundamentally on
the question.
By the end of October 1931 elections were held in
Britain and the Tories came into power. As regards the
defeat of the Labour Government, Dr. Ambedkar said that
their programme was too scientific to be understood by
the labourer and average Britisher. In one of his letters
Dr. Ambedkar said that the Depressed Classes leaders, who
supported Gandhi, did not understand that Gandhi was
opposed not only to the Special Electorate but also to the
Special Representation for the Depressed Classes : otherwise
the problem would have been solved long before.” 1
In addition to the first memorandum submitted to
the Minorities Sub-Committee at the first session of
the Conference, the supplementary Memorandum dated
4th November 1931 was submitted Jointly by Dr. B.
R. Ambedkar and Rao Bahadur R. Shrinivasan. The
Supplementary Memorandum reads as follows:—Editors.
1: Keer, Pp. 169-181.
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120 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
“Supplementary Memorandum on the Claims of the
Depressed Classes for Special Representation
By Dr. Bhimrao R. Ambedkar and
Rao Bahadur R. Srinivasan
In the Memorandum that was submitted by us last year dealing
with the question of political safeguards for the protection of the
Depressed Classes in the Constitution for a self-governing India.
and which forms Appendix III to the printed volume of Proceedings
of the Minorities Sub-Committee, we had demanded that Special
Representation of the Depressed Classes must form one of such
safeguards. But we did not then define the details of the Special
Representation we claimed as being necessary for them. The reason
was that the proceedings of the Minorities Sub-Committee came to
an end before the question was reached. We now propose to make
good the omission by this supplementary memorandum so that the
Minorities Sub-Committee, if it comes to consider the question this
year, should have the requisite details before it.
I. EXTENT OF S PECIAL R EPRESENTATION
A. Special Representation in Provincial Legislature—
(i) In Bengal, Central provinces, Assam, Bihar and Orissa,
Punjab and the United Provinces, the Depressed Classes
shall have representation in proportion to their population as
estimated by the Simon Commission and the India Central
Committee.
(ii) In Madras, the Depressed Classes shall have twenty two
percent representation.
(iii) In Bombay—
(a) In the event of Sind continuing to be a part of the Bombay
Presidency the Depressed Classes shall have sixteen per
cent representation.
(b) In the event of Sind being separated from the Bombay
Presidency the Depressed Classes shall enjoy the same
degree of representation as the Presidency Muslims,
both being equal in population.
B. Special Representation in the Federal Legislature—
In both Houses of the Federal Legislature the Depressed Classes
shall have representation in proportion of their population in India.