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Vol. 17, Part I · pages 161–165

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Struggle for Human Rights

This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.

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136 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES proviso attached to it, and concluded his letter by saying that “pending the arrival of your reply I will try to hold the storm of indignation that is bursting over my head from the Depressed Classes from all parts of India from bursting in public.” 1 Dr. B. R. Ambedkar has issued the following statement from Bombay, on Tuesday the 23rd August 1932, on the Communal Award :— “No one expected the Communal Award to be everything to everybody and I myself was prepared for some variations in the proposals made by me and my Colleague Rao Bahadur Srinivasan at the Round Table Conference on behalf of the Depressed Classes. But the Communal Award has ruthlessly scaled down their representation in the Provincial Legislatures to quite insignificant proportions. The result is that the Communal Award creates positive grievances by refusing to them adequate representation. “1 see no justification for this enormity. What has, however, shocked me most is the denial of the right to representation to the Depressed Classes of the Punjab. Knowing as I do the conditions of the Depressed Classes in that Province, I have no hesitation in saying that comparatively speaking their social condition is really worse than that of their fellows in other Provinces of Northern India. Their case for Special Representation was the strongest. “What reasons His Majesty’s Government had for depriving this most deserving class of their seat, I am unable to see unless it be to satisfy the claims of the most turbulent and vociferous sections in that Province. This injustice becomes most flagrant when it is realized that the Indian Christians and the Anglo-Indians without a tithe of the population of the Depressed Classes and without any shadow of social grievances have been provided for with special seats two for the former and one for the latter. These injustices I fear will make the All-India Depressed Classes Federation which is to consider the question averse to the acceptance of the award.” 2 1 : Keer, P.204. 2 : The Free Press Journal, dated 24th August 1932.

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137ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY Back to India Gandhi was arrested on January 4. Gandhi had not given up his fight for tying the Untouchable Hindus to the caste Hindus in politics. In early March, he informed the British Cabinet from Yeravda Jail that he would resist with his life the separation of the Untouchable Hindus from the Caste Hindus. And when the Communal Award was declared, granting Separate Electorates to the Untouchables, he declared his resolve to fast unto death if the separate electorates for the Depressed Classes were not abolished. Yet on principle, he had no word to say against Separate Electorates being conceded to the Christians, Muslims and Sikhs. On one more count Gandhi’s resort to a fast unto death against the grant of Separate Electorates to the Depressed Classes was not justifiable either.” 1 In this regard, Dr. Ambedkar said, “Mr. Gandhi found that his threat had failed to have any effect. He did not care that he was a signatory to the requisition asking the Prime Minister to arbitrate. He forgot that as a signatory he was bound to accept the award. He started to undo what the Prime Minister had done. He first tried to get the terms of the Communal Award revised. Accordingly, he addressed the following letter to the Prime Minister:— Y ERAVDA CENTRAL PRISON, August 18,1932. DEAR FRIEND, “There can be no doubt that Sir Samuel Hoare has showed you and the Cabinet my letter to him of 11th March on the question of the representation of the Depressed Classes. That letter should be treated as part of this letter and be read together with this. “I have read the British Government’s decision on the representation of minorities and have slept over it. In pursuance of my letter to Sir Samuel Hoare and my declaration at the meeting of the Minorities Committee of the Round Table Conference on 1 : Keer, Pp. 204-05

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138 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES 13th November, 1931, at St. James’ Palace, I have to resist your decision with my life. The only way I can do so is by declaring a perpetual fast unto death from food of any kind save water with or without salt and soda. This fast will cease if during its progress the British Government, of its own motion or under pressure of public opinion, revise their decision and withdraw their scheme of communal electorates for the Depressed Classes, whose representatives should be elected by the general electorate under the common franchise, no matter how wide it is. “The proposed fast will come into operation in the ordinary course from the noon of 20th September next, unless the said decision is meanwhile revised in the manner suggested above. “I am asking the authorities here to cable the text of this letter to you so as to give you ample notice. But in any case, I am leaving sufficient time for this letter to reach you in time by the slowest route. “I also ask that this letter and my letter to Sir Samuel Hoare already referred to be published at the earliest possible moment. On my part, I have scrupulously observed the rule of the jail and have communicated my desire or the contents of the two letters to no one, save my two companions, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Mr. Mahadev Desai. But I want, if you make it possible, public opinion to be affected by my letters. Hence my request for their early publication. “I regret the decision I have taken. But as a man of religion that I hold myself to be, I have no other course left open to me. As I have said in my letter to Sir Samuel Hoare, even if His Majesty’s Government decided to release me in order to save themselves from embarrassment, my fast will have to continue. For, I cannot now hope to resist the decision by any other means ; and I have no desire whatsoever to compass my release by any means other than honourable. “It may be that my judgment is warped and that I am wholly in error in regarding Separate Electorates for the Depressed Classes as harmful to them or to Hinduism. If so, I am not likely to be in the right with reference to other parts of my philosophy of life. In that case, my death by fasting will be at once a penance for my error and a lifting of a weight from off these numberless men and women who have childlike faith in my wisdom. Whereas if my judgment is right, as I have little doubt it is, the contemplated step is but due to the fulfilment of the scheme of life which I have tried for

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139ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY more than a quarter of a century, apparently not without considerable success. I remain, your faithful friend, M. K. Gandhi.” 1 This proves the contradiction of Mahatma Gandhi with regard to question of Depressed Classes. Meanwhile Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel met Gandhiji in Yerwada Jail on September 6,1932 and discussed the issue with him.* “As was natural, Gandhi’s announcement threw the country into a state of consternation. Public appeals were made to Gandhi and the Government, statements were issued to the Press, and prayers were offered. Leaders like Dr. Rajendra Prasad said that Hinduism was on its trial. There was confusion and nervous strain in all Hindu circles ; not because the caste Hindus and their leaders felt ashamed of their cruelty to the Depressed Classes, but because the life of their political hero, their political liberator, was at stake. The traditional tragic trend in the character of the Hindus got the upper hand and they got panicky. Pandit Malaviya declared from Simla his intention to hold a conference of Hindu leaders in Bombay on September 19 to resolve the deadlock and save the life of the Mahatma, and informed Dr. Ambedkar about it by wire. For to save the life of the Mahatma it was necessary to alter the British Premier’s Award, and to amend it, it was necessary to get the approval of Dr. Ambedkar who had wrested these privileges for the Depressed Classes. Naturally, all eyes turned to Dr. Ambedkar as a man of the moment. It was a cruel irony of fate that the leaders and the Press that had refused to recognise Dr. Ambedkar as the leader of the Depressed Classes were now compelled to recognise his leadership of and spokesmanship for the Depressed Classes. He now became the cynosure of the whole country. Dr. Ambedkar knew the significance and magnitude of the crisis arisen out of Gandhi’s fast unto death. Gandhi had hurled a most dangerous and fatal weapon at him. He prepared himself for repelling the weapon. He had an interview with the Governor of Bombay in Poona.” 2 The hurried departure of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, the champion of Separate Electorates, from Bombay to Poona on Sunday morning to interview the Governor of Bombay, on the eve of the Conference 1 Writings and Speeches, Vol. 9, Pp. 82-83. 2 Keer, Pp. 205-206. * See appendix-IV

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140 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES convened in Bombay today to persuade the representative of the “Depressed Classes” to give up the scheme of Separate Electorates and save Mahatma Gandhi’s life has caused considerable speculation in the city. The Doctor left for Poona in the morning and after a long conversation with the Governor of Bombay returned to Bombay in the evening. “Will you attend tomorrow’s Conference ?” asked our representative. To this question Dr. Ambedkar stated that beyond the telegraphic communication that he had received from Pandit Malaviya he had received no formal invitation for the Conference up to now but if he received an invitation he would by all means attend the Conference. In a statement, issued in the evening Sunday the 11th September 1932, Dr. Ambedkar reiterates his conviction that Separate Electorates are in the interests of “Depressed Classes” and repeats that Mahatma Gandhi must first put forward his proposals to enable the Doctor then to play his own cards.” 1 “I do not care these political stunts.” declared Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. “This threat of Mr. Gandhi.” he continued, “to starve himself to death is not a moral fight but only a political move. I can understand a person trying to negotiate with his political opponent on equal terms by giving him credit for honesty, but I will never be moved by these methods.” “My decision stands and if Mr. Gandhi wants to fight with his life for the interests of the Hindu Community the Depressed Classes also will be forced to fight with their lives to safeguard their interests. In reference to the view expressed by Mr. M. C. Rajah, that if Dr. Ambedkar would agree to give up his demand for Separate Electorates and accepted Joint Electorates with reservation of seats the situation could be saved. Dr. Ambedkar said that he would not agree to it.” 2 Mr. Gandhi wrote a letter addressed to the Government of Bombay on 15th September 1932 showing the reasons as to why he had 1 : The Bombay Chronicle dated 11th September 1932. (Issue may be of 12th September 1932.—Editors.) 2: The Bombay Chronicle, dated 14th September 1932.