Vol. 17, Part I · pages 166–170

141ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY taken the decision to go on a fast unto death. The said letter was sent to the press for publication on 21st March 1932. In the said letter he said; “My fast has a narrow application. The Depressed Classes question being predominently a religious matter, I regard it as specially my own by reason of life-long concentration on it. It is a sacred personal trust which I may not shirk.” 1 In this regard Dr. Ambedkar, clarifying his position, wrote a letter to The Times of India, the letter is as follows— To the Editor of “The Times of India”, Sir, I am surprised to read in to-day’s newspaper that some eight public meetings are to be held under the auspices of the Emergency Committee in different parts of the City to pass a resolution asking the public to compel the British Government to change their policy regarding the Communal Award in so far as it affects the Depressed Classes. The obvious object of this resolution is to mobilise public opinion against the special arrangement provided in the Premier’s Award for the representation of the D. C. Since Mahatma Gandhi declared his resolve of selfimmolation over this question, negotiations have been going on between some prominent Hindu leaders and myself, I was invited to attend a meeting of the Emergency Committee yesterday evening which I did. During the time I was at the meeting no reference was made to any such programme or any such resolution having been contemplated to be placed at public meeting. Had the draft resolution been brought to my notice at yesterday’s meeting, I would have certainly objected not only to the wording of the resolution but also to the very idea of holding any public meetings pending the outcome of the negotiations that are proceeding. In fact, it was understood that no propaganda of any kind was to be carried on by either party. This consideration prevented me from holding meetings or starting propaganda in favour of the Communal Award, in spite of a lot of pressure from the members of my party. 1 : Khairmode, Vol.5, P. 26

142 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES These public meetings which the Emergency Committee proposes to hold and the resolution to be moved, but a provocative challenge to me and to my party. Those who have been carrying on negotiations with me cannot carry on their propaganda against me and at the same time hope for an amicable settlement as the result of the negotiations. It must be either negotiations or straight fight. Both cannot go together. If the other party insists on their right to carry on propaganda, they will have no right to blame me if my party also decided to carry on propaganda against them. B.R. AMBEDKAR. Bombay, September 18, 1932.” 1 “On the eve of the Conference of the Hindu leaders, Dr. Ambedkar issued a statement to the Press in which he said : “So far as I am concerned, I am willing to consider everything, though I am not willing to allow the rights of the Depressed Classes to be curtailed in any way. It is no use holding a conference in a vacuum or discussing things without any specific data.” He frankly related this to a deputation of the Depressed Classes from Ahmedabad, and also in his interview with the Indian multi-millionaire, Seth Walchand Hirachand. He told them that Gandhi could have discussed his proposal with the British Premier ; since he was not putting forth any proposal, he alone was to blame. Visitors, leaders and friends began to call upon Dr. Ambedkar. One of such early visitors was Thakkar who had served with him on the State Committee. He came to talk the matter over. Dr. Ambedkar to whom time was knowledge and a precious thing said that he was very busy studying an important criminal case and therefore asked Thakkar how much time he would require. Thakkar replied that he would require an hour or so. Dr. Ambedkar said that he would give five minutes. Thakkar asked for more. The interview ended with an algebraic brevity, and Dr. Ambedkar went in. Thakkar, however, saw Dr. Ambedkar again the next day. A furious campaign was launched against Dr. Ambedkar.” 2 1 : The Times of India of 19th September 1932. 2 : Keer: Pp. 206-07.

143ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY On the eve of the Conference of the Hindu leaders i.e. on 19th September 1932, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar issued another statement to the Press. Following is the full text of the Statement.—Editors. “I need hardly say that I was astounded to read the correspondence between Mahatma Gandhi, Sir Samuel Hoare and the Prime Minister,* which was published recently in the Papers, in which he has expressed his determination to starve himself unto death” till the British Government of its own accord or under pressure of public opinion revise their opinion and withdraw their scheme of communal representation for the Depressed Classes. The unenviable position in which I have been placed by the Mahatma’s vow of self-immolation can easily be imagined. It passes my comprehension why Mr. Gandhi should stake his life on an issue arising out of the communal question which he, at the Round Table Conference, said was one of a comparatively small importance. Indeed to adopt the language of those of Mr. Gandhi’s way of thinking the communal question was only an appendix to the book of India’s constitution and not the main chapter. It would have been justifiable if Mr. Gandhi had resorted to this extreme step for obtaining independence for the country on which he was so insistent all through the R. T. C. debates. It is also a painful surprise that Mr. Gandhi should single out Special Representation for the Depressed Classes in the Communal Award as an excuse for his self-immolation. Separate Electorates are granted not only to the Depressed Classes, but to the Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, Europeans as well as to the Mohamedans and the Sikhs. Also Separate Electorates are granted to land-lords, labourers and traders. Mr. Gandhi had declared his opposition to the Special Representation of every other class and creed except the Mohamedans and the Sikhs. All the same Mr. Gandhi now ellooses to let every body else, except the Depressed Classes retain the Special Electorates given to them. * See, Writings and Speeches, Vol. 9, Pp. 77-87.

144 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES The fears expressed by Mr. Gandhi about the consequences of the arrangements for the representation of the Depressed Classes are in my opinion purely imaginary. If the nation is not going to be split up by Separate Electorates to the Mohamedans and the Sikhs, the Hindu Society cannot be said to be split up if the Depressed Classes are given Separate Electorates. His conscience is not aroused if the nation is split by the arrangements of Special Electorates for classes and communities other than the Depressed Classes. I am sure many have felt that if there was any class which deserved to be given special political rights in order to protect itself against the tyranny of the majority under the Swaraj constitution, it was the Depressed Classes. Here is a class which is undoubtedly not in a position to sustain itself in the struggle for existence. The religion to which they are tied, instead of providing for them an honourable place brands them as lepers not fit for ordinary intercourse. Economically it is a class entirely dependent upon the High-Caste Hindus for earning its daily bread with no independent way of living open to it. Not only every path of progress is closed to them by reason of the social prejudices of the Hindus but there is a definite attempt all throughout the Hindu Society to bolt every possible door so as not to allow the Depressed Classes any opportunity to rise in the scale of life. Indeed it would not be an exaggeration to say that in every village the caste Hindus, however devided among themselves, are always in a standing conspiracy to put down in a merciless manner any attempt on the part of the Depressed Classes who form a small and scattered body of an ordinary Indian citizen. In these circumstances it would only be fair for all right minded persons admit that for a community so handicapped, some share of statutory political power is a paramount necessity to succeed in the struggle for life and to protect itself against organized tyranny. I should have thought that a well-wisher of the Depressed Classes would have fought tooth and nail for securing to them as much political power as might be possible in the new Constitution. But the Mahatma’s ways of thinking are strange

145ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY and are certainly beyond my comprehension. He not only does not endeavour to augment the scanty political power which the Depressed Classes have got under the Communal Award, but on the contrary he has staked his very life in order to deprive them of what little they have got. This is not the first attempt on the part of the Mahatma to completely dish the Depressed Classes out of political existence. Long before there was the Minorities Pact, the Mahatma tried to enter into an agreement with the Muslims in order to defeat the claims of the Depressed Classes. He offered to the Muslims all the 14 claims which they had put forth on their behalf, and in return asked them to join with him in resisting the claims for Social Representation made by me on behalf of the Depressed Classes. It must be said to the credit of the Muslim delegates, that they refused to be party to such a black act, and saved the Depressed Classes from what might as well have developed into a calamity for them as a result of the combined opposition of the Mohamedans and Mr. Gandhi. I am unable to understand the ground of hostility of Mr. Gandhi to the Communal Award. He says that the Communal Award has separated the Hindu Community. On the other hand Dr. Moonje, a much stronger protagonist of the Hindu cause and a millitant advocate of its interests, takes a totally different view of the matter. In the speeches which he has been delivering since his arrival from London, Dr. Moonje has been insisting that the Communal Award does not create any separation between the Depressed Classes and the Hindus. Indeed, he has been boasting that he has defeated me in my attempt to politically separate the Depressed Classes from the Hindus. I am sure that Dr. Moonje is right in his interpretation of the Communal Award although I am not sure that the credit of it can legitimately go to Dr. Moonje. It is therefore, surprising that Mahatma Gandhi, who is a Nationalist, and not known to be a communalist, should read the Communal Award in so far as it relates to the Depressed Classes in a manner quite contrary to that of a communalists like Dr. Moonje. If Dr. Moonje does not sense any separation of the Depressed Classes from the Hindus in the Communal Award the Mahatma ought to feel quite satisfied on that score.