Vol. 17, Part I · pages 171–175

146 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES In my opinion the Communal Award should not only satisfy the Hindus, but also satisfy those individuals among the Depressed Classes such as Rao Bahadur Rajah, Mr. Baloo or Mr. Gavai who are in favour of Joint Electorates. Mr. Rajah’s fulminations in the Assembly have amused me considerably. An intense supporter of Separate Electorates and the bitterest and the most vehement critic of caste Hindu tyranny, now professes faith in the Joint Electorates and love for the Hindus. How much of that is due to his natural desire to resusciate himself from the oblivion in which he was cast by his being kept out of the Round Table Conference and how much of it is to his honest change of faith, I do not propose to discuss. The points on which Mr. Rajah is harping by way of criticism on the Communal Award are two; One is that the Depressed Classes have gained lesser number of seats than they are entitled to on the population basis, and the other is that the Depressed Classes have been separated from the Hindu fold. I agree in his first grievance, but when the Rao Bahadur begins to accuse those who represented the Depressed Classes at the R. T. C. for having sold their rights, I am bound to point out what Mr. Rajah did as a member of the India Central Committee. In that Committee’s report the Depressed Classes were given in Madras 10 seats out of 150; in Bombay 8 seats out of 114; in Bengal 8 seats out of 200; in U. P. 8 seats out of 182; in Punjab 6 seats out of 150; in Behar and Orissa 6 out of 150; in C. P. 8 out of 125 and in Assam 9 seats for the Depressed Classes and the indigenous and primitive races out of 75. I do not wish to overburden this statement by pointing out how this distribution compares with the population ratio. But there can be no doubt that this meant a terrible underrepresentation of the Depressed Classes. To this distribution of seats Mr. Rajah was a party. Surely, Mr. Rajah, before he criticises the Communal Award and accuses others, should refresh his memory of what he accepted as Member of the Indian Central Committee on behalf of the Depressed Classes without any protest. If the population ratio of representation was to him a natural right of a Depressed Classes and its full realisation was a necessity for their protection, why did not Mr. Rajah insist upon it in the Central Committee when he had an opportunity to do so ?

147ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY As to his contention that in the Communal Award, the Depressed Classes have been separated from the caste Hindus, it is a view to which I cannot subscribe. If Mr. Rajah has any conscientious objection to Separate Electorates, there is no compulsion on him to stand as a candidate in the Separate Electorates. The opportunity to stand as a candidate in the General Electorate as well as the right to vote in it are there, and Mr. Rajah is free to avail himself of the same. Mr. Rajah is crying at the top of his voice to assure to the Depressed Classes that there is a complete change of heart on the part of the Caste Hindus towards the Depressed Classes. He will have the opportunity to prove that fact to the satisfaction of the Depressed Classes, who are not prepared to take his word by getting himself elected in the General Constituency. The Hindus who profess love and sympathy for the Depressed Classes, will have also an opportunity to prove their bona-fides by electing Mr. Rajah to the legislature. The Communal Award, therefore, in my opinion satisfied both those who want Separate Electorates and those who want Joint Electorates. In this sense it is already a compromise and should be accepted as it is. As to the Mahatma, I do not know what he wants. It is assumed that although the Mahatma is opposed to the system of Separate Electorates he is not opposed to the system of Joint Electorates and Reserved Seats. That is a gross error. Whatever his views are to-day, while in London he was totally opposed to any system of Special Representation for Depressed Classes whether by Joint Electorates or by Separate Electorates. Beyond the right to vote in a General Electorate based upon Adult Suffrage, he was not prepared to concede anything to the Depressed Classes by way of securing their representation in the legislatures. This was the position he had taken at first. Towards the end of the R. T. C. he suggested to me a scheme which he said he was prepared to consider. The scheme was purely conventional without any constitutional sanction behind it and without any single seat being reserved for the Depressed Classes in the Electoral Law.

148 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES The scheme was as follows :— Depressed Class candidates might stand in the General Electorate as against other High-Caste Hindu candidates. If any Depressed Class candidate was defeated in the election he should file an election petition and obtain the verdict that he was defeated because he was an Untouchable. If such a decision was obtained, the Mahatma said he would undertake to induce some Hindu members to resign and thus create a vacancy. There would be then another election in which the defeated Depressed Class candidate or any other Depressed Class candidate might again try his luck as against the Hindu candidates. Should he be defeated again he should get similar verdict that he was defeated because he was an Untouchable and so on “ adinfinitum.” I am disclosing these facts as some people are even now under the impression that the Joint Electorates and Reserved Seats would satisfy the conscience of the Mahatma. This will show why I insist that there is no use of discussing the question until the actual proposals of the Mahatma are put forth. I must, however, point out that I cannot accept the assurances of the Mahatma that he and his Congress will do the needful. I cannot leave so important a question as the protection of my people to conventions and understandings. The Mahatma is not an immortal person, and the Congress, assuming it is not a malevolent force, is not to have an abiding existance. There have been many Mahatmas in India whose sole object was to remove Untouchability and to elevate and absorb the Depressed Classes; but every one of them has failed in his mission. Mahatmas have come and Mahatmas have gone. But the Untouchables have remained as Untouchables. I have enough experience of the pace of reform and the faith of Hindu reformers in the conflicts that have taken place at Mahad and Nasik, to say that no well-wisher of the Depressed Classes will ever consent to allow the uplift of the Depressed Classes to rest upon such treacherous shoulders. Reformers who in moments of crisis prefer to sacrifice their principles rather than hurt the feelings of their kindred, can be of no use to the Depressed Classes.

149ROLE OF ......................... INDIAN DEMOCRACY I am therefore bound to insist upon a Statutory Guarantee for the protection of my people. If Mr. Gandhi wishes to have the Communal Award altered, it is for him to put forth his proposals and to prove that they give a better guarantee than has been given to us under the Award. I hope that the Mahatma will desist from carrying out the extreme step contemplated by him. We mean no harm to the Hindu Society when we demand Separate Electorates. If we choose Separate Electorates we do so in order to avoid the total dependence on the sweet will of the caste Hindus in matters affecting our destiny. Like the Mahatma we also claim our right to err, and we expect him not to deprive us of that right. His determination to fast himself unto death is worthy of a far better cause. I could have understood the propriety of the Mahatma contemplating such extreme step for stopping riots between Hindus and Mohamedans or between the Depressed Classes and the Hindus or for any other national cause. It certainly cannot improve the lot of the Depressed Classes. Whether he knows it or not the Mahatma’s act will result in nothing but terrorism by his followers against the Depressed Classes all over the country. Coercion of this sort will not win the Depressed Classes to the Hindu fold if they are determined to go out. And if the Mahatma chooses to ask the Depressed Classes to make a choice between Hindu faith and possession of political power I am quite sure that the Depressed Classes will choose political power and save the Mahatma from self-immolation. If Mr. Gandhi coolly reflects on the consequences of his act I very much doubt whether he will find this victory worth having. It is still more important to note that the Mahatma is releasing reactionary and uncontrollable forces, and is fostering the spirit of hatred between the Hindu Community and the Depressed Classes by resorting to this method and thereby widening the existing gulf between the two. When I opposed Mr. Gandhi at the R, T. C. there was a hue and cry against me in the country and there was conspiracy in socalled nationalist press to represent me as a traitor to the nationalist cause, to supress correspondence coming from my side and to boost the propaganda against my party by publishing exaggerated reports of meetings and conferences, many of which

150 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES were never held. “Silver bullets” were freely used for creating divisions in the ranks of the Depressed Classes. There have been also a few clashes ending in violence. If the Mahatma does not want all this to be repeated on a larger scale, let him for God’s sake, reconsider his decision and avert the disastrous consequences. I believe the Mahatma does not want this. But if he does not desist, in spite of his wishes these consequences are sure to follow as night follows the day. Before concluding this statement, I desire to assure the public that although I am entitled to say that I regard the matter as closed I am prepared to consider the proposals of the Mahatma. I however, trust the Mahatma will not drive me to the necessity of making a choice between his life and the rights of my people. For I can never consent to deliver my people bound hand and foot to the Caste Hindus for generations to come.” 1 “The declaration of the fast unto death by Mr. Gandhi made the people learn more about the condition of the Untouchables and opened their eyes for a while to the passions that were seething in the bosom of the Untouchables. The people, the Press and patriots were roused to a realisation that there was a blot on their society. There was an endless talk about Dr. Ambedkar in every political party, in every social circle and in every religious institution. He was flooded with telegrams and letters, some threatening his life, some appealing to his conscience, and some supporting his stand. As declared, the Conference of the Hindu leaders was held amidst this tense situation at the spacious Hall of the Indian Merchants’ Chamber on September 19, 1932, under the presidentship of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya. Dr. Ambedkar and Dr. Solanki were seated just near the President’s chair. Rajah and Dr. Moonje came to the Hall arm-in-arm.” 2 Among those present were : Rajendraprasad, C. Rajgopalachari, Pandit Kunzaru, T. Prakasham, Dr. Chauthiram, Swami Satyanand, Mr. Aney, G. A. Gawai, Mr. Shivraj, Mr. Jagannathan, Mr. Dharmalingam, Mr. Mandal, Sir Chunnilal, 1 : Janata, dated 24th September 1932. 2: Keer, P. 208.