Vol. 17, Part II · pages 116–120
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Socio-political and Religious Activities
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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certain meaning without intending to depart from that
meaning. “When the Legislature,” said Blackburn, J., in R.
V. Buttle (k), “change the words of an enactment, no doubt
it must be taken prima facie that there was an intention to
change the meaning.” This, however is not necessarily so, for
we find, as a matter of fact, that, as Blackburn, J. observed
in Hadley v. Perks (1), “in drawing Acts of Parliament, the
Legislature, as it would seem, to improve the graces of the
style, and to avoid using the same words over and over
again, constantly change” the words without intending to
change the meaning. Thus, in Re Wright (m), Mellish, L.J.,
said, with regard to the departure in the Bankruptcy Act,
1869, from the language used in the repealed Bankruptcy
Act, 1849; “Every one who is familiar with the present Act
knows that the language of the former Acts has been very
much altered in many cases where it could not have been
intended to make any change in the law.” In Actt.-Gen. V.
Bradlaugh (n), it was contended that the word “made” in the
expression in the Parliamentary Oaths Act, 1866, “the oath
shall be made,” was to be construed as if it were different
from the word “taken”. “But,” said Brett, M. R., “it seems to
me, looking at the Preamble, and at the manner in which
the word is used, that the word ‘made’ has precisely the
same effect as if it were “taken”.
In Monteith v. McGavin (o), Lord Cottenham said
that “when Parliament provides for a particular mode
of proceeding in one particular case, and makes no such
provision in another case, it must not, as a general
rule, be assumed that this arises from mere negligence
or inattention in the framers of the Act.” But, as Brett
M. R. said in Nottage v. Jackson (p), “persons who draw
Acts of Parliament will sometimes use phrases that
nobody else uses; consequently we do sometimes meet
with expressions in statutes which we are compelled to
believe were introduced, not for any specific purpose, but
in consequence of the slovenliness of the draftsman.” Thus,
in R. v. Buttle (q), the question was whether, when 26 &
28 Vict. c. 29, s. 7, enacted that “no statement made by
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any person in answer to any question put by [certain]
commissioners shall, except in cases of indictments for perjury,
be admissible in evidence in any proceeding,” the expression
“indictments for perjury” applied to perjury in general, or only
to perjury committed before the commissioners. It appeared
that a previous statute has contained a similar provision, but
that the expression used in that statute was “indictments
for perjury committed in such answers”; consequently it was
argued that the Legislature intended a change of meaning by
this change of words. It was held, however that to put upon
the expression used in the later statute the meaning contended
for would be subversive of one of the most important principles
of the common law, and that it must be supposed, therefore,
that there was no reason at all for altering the language used
by the earlier statute, and that, as Kelly, C. B., said, “whoever
framed the statute did it in a slovenly way, and showed great
want of care in drawing it.” So also, if it appears that the
older statute contains words of surplusage, these words may
very well be left out in subsequent Act without there being
any intention on the part of the Legislature to alter the
law. “It appears to me,” said Mellish, L. J., in Re Wood (r)
“that the framers of this [ later ] Act thought it would be an
improvement to omit words as to intent in the cases where it
was not necessary to prove such an intent, the words being
then surplusage and misleading; and I think they may have
very properly left out without in any way altering the law.”
With regard to his third contention I must say that I am not
at all impressed by it. There are two causes of delay that may be
apprehended. Delay is caused by the Council though in Session
and in receipt of the Bill. Delay is caused by the Council not
being in Session when the Bill is transmitted. No delay beyond
fourteen days can take place at the hands of the Council nor
can any harm be done to the Assembly if it does take place. For
there is a penalty for it and which is provided for in clause (5).
Delay following upon the Council not being in session at the
time when the Bill is transmitted cannot be due to any fault
of the Council. It is those who are responsible to advise the
Governor to call a Session of the Council are responsible for
such delay. If they wish to get the benefit of clause (5) they
should call the Session of the Council immediately and give
it fourteen days and avoid delay. It is in their power. But
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they cannot have it both ways. To permit them the discretion
to call or not to call the session of the Council and at the
same time to allow them to take the benefit of clause (5) is
not only to give them the freedom to cheat one House of the
Legislature but to play a fraud upon the Constitution. This is
exactly what the Bihar Government has done. When a money
Bill is transmitted to the Upper Chamber it is the duty of the
Government to call a Session of the Council and it is a matter
which is entirely and exclusively with its power. If it does not
do so it cannot take advantage of clause (5) of Article 198.
For these reasons I agree with the view taken by the
learned Advocate General of Bihar and reject the view of the
learned R.L.A.
I have dwealt with the arguments of the R.L.A. at such a
considerable length only out of respect for him. Otherwise I
would have summarily rejected it. The point to my mind is not
at all abstruse. It is so plain that a man having nothing more
than common-sense could have understood that the intention
of the framers of the Constitution was. What the Government
of Bihar has done is a deliberate and calculated act of fraud.
I refuse to believe that what it has done is done out of want
of understanding. I cannot help saying that the Government
of Bihar has descended to the low level of a common cheat.
I feel so strongly about it that I do not mind my sentiments
in this respect being conveyed to the Bihar Government.
Before I conclude I would like to raise a question which is
solely for the consideration of the Law Department. We are
getting a large number of references from State Government for
advice on disputed points arising out of the Constitution. We
entertain these references and give our advice. That advice is
followed and becomes part of the Constitutional usage. I wonder
if we are acting wisely in doing this. Would it not be better to
leave the parties to act as they think and take their chance
in Court ? For as pointed out by Craie’s (Statute Law, p. 140)
usage becomes an important element in the interpretation
of a Statute. By our advice we set up a usage and thereby
support a particular interpretation which in the absence of it
may not be supportable and if our advice is wrong we become
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responsible for a wrong interpretation. Perhaps the practice
is a long standing practice and I realize that it is difficult to
discontinue it. All the same it is well to remember the length
to which our responsibility in these matters does go.
B. R. Ambedkar
zz
As regard to this article, the then officer on special Duty, Dr. Babasaheb
Ambedkar Source Material Publications Commitee, noted that the
papers were found in the record received by the Government from the
Administrator General, Maharashtra State in 1979. This note is signed
by Dr. Ambedkar.
—Editors.
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17
BUDDHA AND FUTURE OF HIS RELIGION
I
Out of the many founders of Religion, there are four whose
religions have not only moved the world in the past, but are
still having a sway over the vast masses of people. They are
Buddha, Jesus, Mahommed and Krishna. A comparison of
the presonalities of these four and the poses they assumed in
propagating their religions reveals certain points of contrast
between the Buddha on the one hand and the rest on the
other, which are not without significance.
The first point which mark off Buddha from the rest is
his self-abnegation. All throughout the Bible, Jesus insists
that he is the Son of God and that those who wish to enter
the kingdom of God will fail, if they do not recognise him as
the Son of God. Mahommed went a step further. Like Jesus
he also claimed that he was the messenger of God on earth.
But he further insisted that he was the last messenger. On
that footing he declared that those who wanted salvation
must not only accept that he was a messenger of God, but
also accept that he was the last messenger. Krishna went
a step beyond both Jesus and Mahommed. He refused to
be satisfied with merely being the Son of the God or being
the messenger of God; he was not content even with being
the last messenger of God. He was not even satisfied with
calling himself a God. He claimed that he was ‘ Parameshwar’
or as his followers describe him “ Devadhideva” God of Gods.
Buddha never arrogated to himself any such status. He was
born as a son of man and was content to remain a common
man and preached his gospel as a common man. He never
claimed any supernatural origin or supernatural powers nor
did he perform miracles to prove his supernatural powers.
The Buddha made a clear distinction between a Margadata
and a Mokshadata. Jesus, Mahommed and Krishna claimed
for themselves the Mokshadata. The Buddha was satisfied
with playing the role of a Margadata.