Vol. 17, Part II · pages 336–340

311GREAT BRITAIN . . . . . . . . . SUPPORTED A good long part of the road to that status has already been covered. The part that remains is comparatively shorter and is also within reach. To give up this advantage in the hope of being emancipated by some supposed friend of India would be an act of folly if not of political suicide for the nation. There is no knowing what would be the fate of India under a new master. No same Indian can advise his countrymen to enter upon a policy so speculative and so uncertain if not disastrous, in its consequences. Britain’s Duty to India While it is in the interest of the Indian people to co-operate with Great Britain in this war with Germany, the British also must recognise that they owe certain duties to India the fulfilment of which cannot long be postponed. The first and foremost duty of the British towards India is to take steps to prepare Indians to defend their country. India is a country which is exposed to attack from all sides. Yet to-day India is a most defenceless country in the world. By itself it has no resources to withstand any attack from land, sea or air. For its defence it is largely if not wholly dependent upon the aid of the British Army, British Navy and British Air Force. In the Round Table conference it was agreed that the defence of India was to be treated as the responsibility of India and yet nothing so far has been done to give effect to that principle. Much has been talked about opening Military Colleges and Indianizing the Officers’ grades. The Independent Labour Party is frankly of opinion that these are the least parts of this business of training Indians to defend their country. The most important part of it is to introduce compulsory Military Service in India for all persons within certain ages without distinction as to caste, class or creed. Such a policy alone can succeed in training Indians for the defence of their Country. The magnitude of India’s manpower is beyond measure. If it is given the requisite military training it is capable of defending not only India but it is capable of defending the whole of the British Empire from any aggressor, no matter how strong. It is, therefore, astonishing that British Government should not think of training the manhood of India for national defence. It is astonishing that Government should call Indians to become combatants only when the war is won and allow them to lapse into unserviceable non-combatants as soon as the war is over.

312 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES Compulsory Military Training Why is the British Government not prepared to keep the Indian people in trim from a military point of view in peace as in war is a question which is asked on all sides. There is a feeling that the reason why the British do not wish to introduce compulsory Military training is that they cannot trust Indians with military training. Steps must be taken to remove such a suspicion. The British if they wish Indians to help them and defend them must learn to trust Indians and divert them to the access of military training. Only trust can beget trust. Similarly recruitment for the Standing Army must be open to all communities and the distinction between martial and non-martial classes must be done away with. Indianization of the officers’ grade must be worked out sincerely and fairly. At present only sons of the rich can get admission in Naval and Military schools not because they constitute the right sort of material but they have the money to meet the high cost of training. In other words, the monopolization of the higher grades in the military service by the rich and by some specially chosen communities must be abandoned with a view to inspire trust and confidence in the British Government. India’s Status Within Empire The second duty of the British towards India is to reassure her of the status she is to occupy in the British Empire the reluctance of the British Parliament to embody in the preamble to the Government of India Act that India is ultimately to occupy the status of a Dominion has caused much heartburning. The faith of many in the British has received a rude shock by realization of the fact that Parliament should have refused to give formal sanction to the declaration in favour of Dominion Status in 1935 which was made informally but authoritatively by Lord Irwin in 1929. The British must see that the doubts of India on this point are removed as early as possible. India cannot willingly and heartily fight for principles if she is not assured that the benefit of these principles would be extended to her, when the war is won.

313GREAT BRITAIN . . . . . . . . . SUPPORTED This explains the position of the Independent Labour Party. The Independent Labour Party supports the appeal made by His Excellency the Viceroy to India to help British in this war for the reasons given in this statement. The Independent Labour Party agrees that this is no time for making conditions. At the same time the Independent Labour Party believes that the British as well as the Indian should know and understand what they are fighting for and what they expect of each other.” 1 zz 1. : Vividh Vritta; 17th September 1939.

9 WISDOM AND STATESMANSHIP WILL DAWN TO PREVENT INDIA FROM BEING DIVIDED INTO TWO PARTS As per message received on 6th October 1939, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had been invited to see His Excellency Viceroy on Monday, the 9th October 1939. 1 Accordingly His Excellency the Viceroy granted interview to Dr. Ambedkar on the 9th October 1939. In addition, Mr. V D. Sawarkar, Sir Mohammad Yakub were also granted interviews. 2 Thereafter Dr. Ambedkar issued the statement: New Delhi, October 10, 1939. “The minorities problem will never be solved unless Mr. Gandhi and the Congress give up their egoistic and insolent attitude towards persons and parties outside the Congress. Patriotism is not a monopoly of Congressmen and persons holding divergent views to the Congress have a perfectly legitimate right to exist and be recognised,” declared Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in a statement to the Associated Press prior to his departure for Bombay this morning. Dr. Ambedkar, who came to Delhi yesterday, had a long interview with His Excellency the Viceroy. He is understood to have fully acquainted His Excellency with the viewpoint of his community vis-a-vis the constitutional advance of India. In this connection, Dr. Ambedkar stated that the working of the Poona Pact had been far from satisfactory. In the absence of multimember constituencies the real representatives of the Scheduled Classes were not returned to the legislature. He intended to raise this question at the next revision, which he anticipated would be earlier than originally planned. Unless some method of securing the representation of the real….. representatives of the Scheduled Classes was found, he was afraid he would have to insist on separate electorates for his community. 1. : The Bombay Chronicle, dated 7th October 1939. 2. : The Bombay Chronicle, dated 10th October 1939.

315WISDOM AND . . . . . . . . . TWO PARTS Hindu-Muslim Problems Referring to the Hindu-Muslim problem, Dr. Ambedkar said that he did not believe in the allegations that the Muslims were being tyrannized or terrorized in the Congress provinces. What the Muslims and the other minorities wanted today was a share in the Government of the country and a status of equality with governing classes. This was being denied by the Congress? which so far had refused to recognise any class or community outside its organisation. Muslims, he said, had so far been wanting safeguards which meant that given the necessary protection they were prepared to live with the other communities. Today a demand had been raised to divide India into Hindu and Muslim India, and if this attitude was allowed to take hold of the masses, there was no hope of a united India. Today the solutions lay with fne Congress and’ with the majority community, and what was required was large heartedness, statesmanship and the realisation of realities. “Might Be too Late” It might be too late tomorrow, said Dr. Ambedkar. The problem could be solved and must be solved. The problem was no longer that the minorities should be treated fairly and squarely. It was that the minorities must be made to feel that they were a part and parcel of the Government of the country. It had now become a question of dignity and self-respect. Dr. Ambedkar concluded by saying that today he found it very difficult to dissuade his community from merging itself in some other larger community, but the continuance of the present attitude of the Congress might make his voice ineffective. The responsibility of driving away the Scheduled Classes to another fold would lie with the Congress. “I hope that wisdom and statesmanship will dawn on the Congress,” he said, “in time to prevent India from being divided into two parts, and Scheduled Classes merging themselves with a powerful and influential minority.” 1 zz 1. : The Times of India, dated 11th October 1939.