Vol. 17, Part II · pages 546–550
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Socio-political and Religious Activities
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 546 (printed page 521)
521GANDHI DIS-FRANCHISED . . . . . . . . . POONA PACT
“I, therefore, say I trust that when the new constitution
is made full consideration will be given to the position of
the Scheduled Classes themselves.
“It is sometimes said that Britain has not done enough
for them. It is well known that Queen Victoria’s original
proclamation about our not interferring too much with
the religion, and habits of the people has prevented the
British from doing as much as they might desire.
“But in later years, by a variety of devices, we have
attempted to improve these Scheduled Classes and mitigate
the horrors of Untouchability.
“The Franchise Committee recommended an electorate
which would have given the Schedule Classes an opportunity
of looking after their own affairs.
Poona Pact
“Unfortunately the decisions of the Franchise Committee
were abrogated by the Poona Pact, produced by one of
Mr. Gandhi’s longest fasts.
“I cannot now influence the decision of the Constitution
making body, but it is quite clear that under the Poona
Pact the Scheduled Castes did not get a chance of electing
their ultimate representatives who would really represent
their point of view.
“I hope that in part, or parts of India it may be possible
to find an electoral system which will be more suitable
for them.”
After referring to other minorities, Mr. Butler said :
“We trust that in the future India, the minorities, and
the Europeans who stay there will find free, and fair
opportunity, and happiness under the regime.
“But there are many other sections of opinion—
minorities among the Muslims, cultivators who do not mix
in the political life, and have not shouted or taken part
in politics, but whose views are sometimes not quite the
same as those who steal the thunder and appear before
the footlights.
PDF page 547 (printed page 522)
522 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
SOLICITUDE FOR PEOPLE
“At the inauguration of the Round Table Conference in the
Royal Gallery of the House of Lords on November 12, 1933
the King’s speech contained this passage:
“I have in mind the just claims of majorities and minorities,
of men and women, of town dwellers and tillers of the soil,
of landlords and tenants, of the strong and the weak, the
rich and the poor, races, castes and creeds of which the body
politics is composed. For these things I care deeply.”
“For these people and these things,” Mr. Butler concluded,
“we care deeply. They are passing out of our immediate care.
We are moved on this occasion and we wish those well who are
assuming the Government and responsibility for the welfare
of the Indian people.” 1
zz
1: Jai Bheem, dated 23rd July 1947.
PDF page 548
APPENDIX—VII
UNDER-PRIVILIGED IN INDIA SOLD TO
OPPRESSORS
CABINET PLAN EXPOSED IN COMMONS DEBATE
During his speech in the debate Mr. Churchill referred to
the British Government’s statement after the recent London
talks and said:
“That, declaration appears to me to be the most important
milestone in this long journey.
“The British Government owed special protection to the
Muslims numbering 90,000,000 who comprised the majority
of the fighting elements of India, and the Untouchables of
anything from 40,000,000 to 60,000,000. They had been out
witted and outmanoeuvred on this question. The pretence
was put forward that they were a small part of the vast
Hindu community not entitled to be considered as a minority
community in Indian life.
“I must ask the Prime Minister to state the Government’s
view and intentions on this particular point. Are Untouchables
to be considered as an entity by themselves entitled to
consideration given to entities or are they merely to be used
to swell the numerical size of those whom they regard as
their oppressors ?”
CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY
Turning to the character of the Constituent Assembly which,
he said, was apparently to proceed to make a Republic for
India and engage upon it at once. Mr. Churchill said, “They
are dealing with the fortunes of all Indians, while a large
part is not even to be represented.”
Mr. William Cove (Labour) interjected : Is Mr. Churchill
in favour of extending the franchise ?
PDF page 549 (printed page 524)
524 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Mr. Churchill : “Yes, Certainly” Mr. Cove laughs
“I have always been in favour of extending the franchise.
I believe in the will of the people. But I do not believe
in perversion of the will of the people—actively organised
and engineered minorities who having seized upon power
by force or fraud or chicanery go forward and use that
power in the name of vast masses with whom they have
long lost all effective connection.
“But the Cabinet Mission’s proposal of May for the
setting up of the Constituent Assembly was essentially a
proposal that the main political parties of India should
meet and through their representatives endeavour to work
out the proposed constitution.”
Mr. Churchill, continuing, said, “It is still pertinent to
inquire if His majesty’s Government consider that their
proposed conference of the Constituent Assembly has
begun.”
He added, “I feel bound to end on a positive conclusion
although I will express it rather in terms of negation.”
(Government laughter).
“In all this confusion, uncertainty and gathering storm
which those who have studied the Indian problem for long
years might well have foreseen, there appear at the present
time three choices—three proverbial choices—before the
British Parliament.
“The first is to proceed with ruthless logic to quit India
regardless of what may happen there. The second is failing
a measure of agreement not now in sight, an impartial
administration appointed by Parliament should be set up
to maintain the fundamental guarantees of life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness to the hundreds of millions of
humble folk who now stand in jeopardy, bewilderment and
fear. The third course is to let the Indian communities go
their separate ways as they desire in or out of the British
Commonwealth, whatever happens.”
PDF page 550 (printed page 525)
525UNDER-PRIVILIGED . . . . . . . . . OPPRESSORS
CASTE HINDU DOMINATION
“One thing however there is that we must not do whatever
happens: we must not allow British troops or British Officers
in the Indian Army to become agencies and instruments of
enforcing Caste Hindu domination upon 90,000,000 Muslims
and 60,000,000 Untouchables, nor must the prestige or
authority of the British power in India even in its sunset
be used in partnership on either side of these profound and
awful cleavages.
“For such a course to be used to enforce religious and party
victory upon minorities of scores of millions would seem to
combine the disadvantages of all the policies and lead us ever
deeper in tragedy without giving us relief from our burdens,
or liberation, however sadly purchased from moral and factual
responsibility.
“It is because we feel that these issues should be placed
bluntly and plainly before the British and the Indian peoples
even amid their present distresses and perplexities that we
thought it our bounden duty to ask for this debate.” (Loud
Opposition cheers).
MR. BUTLER EXPLAINS TORY STAND
Winding up for the opposition, Mr. R. A. Butler, former
Under-Secretary of State for India, said that the opportunities
he had of meeting Indian Statesmen convinced him that in
the work he had done with them there were no statesmen of
higher quality in the world. “There is therefore no difference
of opinion about the goal we are setting before us. We (the
opposition) have always said in the past that self-government
for India can be achieved only under a constitution or
constitutions framed by Indians to which the main elements
in India’s national life are consenting parties. That has been
our first stand. Our second stand has been that we can only
transfer our ultimate control over India to a Government or
Governments capable of exercising it. We cannot hand over
India to anarchy or to civi1 war. The Government’s last
statement on the Indian situation gives evidence of acceptance
of the first of these obligations.