Vol. 17, Part III · pages 206–210
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Speeches
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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There are in my view two enemies which the workers
of this country have to deal with. The two enemies are
Bramhanism and Capitalism. The accusation by our critics
arises partly because the critics fail to reckon Brahmanism
as an enemy which the workers have to deal with. I do not
want to be misunderstood when I say that Brahmanism is an
enemy which must be dealt with. By Bramhanism I do not
mean the power, privileges and interests of the Bramhins as
a community. That is not the sense in which I am using the
word. By Bramhanism I mean the negation of the spirit of
Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. In that sense it is rampant
in all classes and is not confined to the Bramhins alone though
they have been the originations of it. This Bramhanism which
pervades everywhere and which regulates the thoughts and
deeds of all classes is an incontrovertible fact. It is also an
incontrovertible fact that this Bramhanism gives certain classes
a privileged position. It denies certain other classes even
equality of opportunity. The effects of Bramhanism are not
confined to what are social rights such as inter-dining or intermarriage. If that was so, one would not mind it. But it is not
so. It extends to civic rights as distingnished from social rights.
Use of public schools, of public wells, of public conveyances,
of public restaurants are matters of civic rights. Everything
which is intended for the public or maintained out of public
fund must be open to every citizen. But there are millions to
whom these civic rights are denied. Can anybody doubt that
this is the result of Brahamanism which has been let loose in
this country for thousands of years and which is func tioning
even now as a live wire ? So omnipresent is Bramhanism
that it even affects the field of economic opportunities. Take
the Depressed Class worker and compare his opportunities
with a worker who does not belong to the Depressed Classes.
What opportunities of obtaining work has he ? What are
the prospects he has in the matter of security of service or
advancement therein? It is notorious that there are many
avocations from which a Depressed Class worker is shut out
by reason of the fact that he is an Untouchable. A notorious
case in point is that of the Cotton Industry. I do not know of
what happens in other parts of India. But I know that in the
Bombay Presidency the Depressed Classes are shut out from
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178 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
the weaving department in the Cotton Mills both in Bombay
and in Ahemadabad. They can only work in the spinning
department. The spinning department is the lowest paid
department. The reason why they are excluded from the
weaving department is because they are Untouchables and
because on that account the caste Hindu worker objects to
work with them although he does not mind working with the
Musalmans.
Take the Railways. What is the position of the Depressed
Class worker on the Railways. No one can deny that his
destiny is to work as a gangman. Day in and day out, all
his life he works as a gangman with no prospects of a rise.
There is no higher grade post that is open to him. Very rarely
he is employed even as a Porter. That is because as a porter
he must also work as a domestic servant as a part of his
customary duties in the household of the Station Master. A
Depressed Class worker becomes quite useless to the station
master who is generally a high caste Hindu because he cannot
avail himself of the services of the porter for his house hold
purposes if the porter is an Untouchable. He therefore generally
avoids appointing a Depressed Class man as a porter. In the
Railway there is no qualifying examination for the appointment
of clerks and Non-Matrics are usually employed for these
posts. Hundreds of non-matrics from Indian Christians, from
Anglo-Indians, and Caste Hindus are employed as clerks in the
Railways. But the Depressed Class boys who are non-matrics
and there are hundreds of them are systematically rejected
and hardly one ever gets a chance. The same is the case in
Railway Workshops. Very seldom is a Depressed Class man
employed as a mechanic Class. Hardly ever is a Depressed
man seen to occupy the position of a Mistry. He is never
made a foreman, or even a chargeman in the Workshop. He
is just a cooly and remains a cooly. Such is the condition of
the Depressed class workers in the Railways.
In those avocations where he has a chance to obtain work
he is employed in the lowest grade. He is excluded from any
place of power or authority. He is not only employed in the
lowest grade but he is confined to that grade until he retires.
There is no rise for him. There is no career for him and often
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there is no promotion for him. This is what happens to him
when there is no slump. In days of slump he is the first to
be fired as in the boom he is the last to be employed.
To the critics who have accused me and you of sinister
motive I wish to ask two questions-and they are plain
questions—are these or are these not real grievances? Secondly,
if they are real grievances must not those who are suffering
from them organize in order to see that they are removed? If
the answer to these two questions is in the affirmative-I do not
see how any honest man can give any other answer- then our
attempt is amply justified. Labour leaders who are accusing
us are undoubtedly suffering from certain delusion. They have
read in Karl Marx that there can be only two classes-owners
and workers and, on reading Marx they straight way assume
that in India there are only owners and workers and proceed
on their mission of demolishing capitalism. There are obviously
two errors in this. The first error consists in thinking as real
what is only possible or ideal. Marx never said as dogma that
there are only two clear-cut classes in a society namely the
owners and workers. Such a statement is untrue in fact and
therefore it is dangerous as a foundation to build upon it any
active propaganda with any chance of success. It would be
as false as to hold that an economic man or a rational man
or a reasonable man is a fact which exists in all classes.
The economist has always uttered a wise caution whenever
he puts forth the economic man as a basic fact for drawing
his conclusion—that the economic man exists only if other
things are equal. The labour leaders have forgotten this ceteris
paribus. It would be incorrect to suppose that even in Europe,
what Marx said was true. “Is there a poor and oppressed man
in Germany ? Is there a robbed and ruined artisan of France ?
Well, there they appertain to one race, one county, one creed,
one past, one present, and one future. Let them unite.” This
is an exhortation which has been addressed ever since the
days of Marx. Has the poor and oppressed man in Germany
united with the robbed and ruined artisan of France ? Even
after 100 years they did not learn to unite and in the last war
they fought as open, avowed and ruthless enemies. It would be
positively erroneous with regard to India. A clear cut division
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does not exist in India. That all labourers are one, form one
class is an ideal to be achieved and it is the greatest error
to assume it as a fact. How are we to consolidate the ranks
of labour ? How are we to bring about unity among labour ?
Not by allowing one section of the workers to suppress other
section of the workers. Not by preventing the oppressed section
from organizing. Not by preventing the aggrieved section from
agitating against the injustice that is being done to them.
The real way to bring about unity is to remove the causes
which make one worker the antagonist of another worker on
the ground of race and religion. The real way to bring about
unity is to tell the worker that he is wrong in claiming rights
which he is not prepared to give to other workers. The real
way to bring about unity is to tell the worker who makes
these social distinctions which result in unfair discrimination
are wrong in principle and injurious to the solidarity of
workers. In other words we must uproot Bramhanism - this
spirit of inequality - from among the workers if the ranks of
labour are to be united. But where is the labour leader who
has done this among workers? I have heard labour leaders
speaking vociferously against Capitalism. But I have never
heard any labour leader speaking against Bramhanism
amongst workers. On the other hand their silence on this
point is quite con spicuous. Whether their silence is due to
their belief that Bramhanism has nothing to do with the
organisation and unity of workers, whether it is due to their
non-appreciation of the fact that Bramhanism has great deal
to do with the disorganisation of labour or whether it is due
to sheer opportunism which believes in acquiring leadership
of labour and not saying anything which would hurt the
feelings of the workers I do not stop to inquire. But I must
say that if Bramhanism is admitted to be the root cause of
the disorganisation of labour then a serious effort must be
made to remove it from the workers. This infection will not
go away merely by ignoring it or by remaining silent about
it. It must be pursued, dug out and knotched. Then and then
only will the way for the unity of workers be made safe.
So long as Bramhanism remains a living force and so long
as people continue to stick to it because it confers privileges
upon one class and puts handicaps on others, I am afraid, that
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till then there will be the necessity for those who suffer from
these handicaps to organize themselves. And what harm is
there if they do organize themselves. I could understand the
force of the complaint if this organization was engineered
by the employers. If it could be proved that we are the tools
of the employers, that we are playing into their hands, that
we are organizing separately with the deliberate purpose of
dividing the ranks of labour, then there would be sufficient
justification for condemning this conference. Indeed such a
conduct could be denounced as treachery. But can any one
say that this move of ours is engineered by the employers
and that we are out to help the employers and ruin the
cause of labour ? I challenge any of our critics to do so.
There is therefore no necessity to be ashamed of or to
offer any apology for holding this Conference. The reasons
and motives amply justify it. There are one or two men
from the Depressed Classes who have disapproved of this
Conference. There is nothing strange in this. Some of them
are the tools and hirelings of others. Some are misguided.
The Depressed Classes are so weak in themselves and
the word union has such a charm in it, especially when
it falls from the lips of influential propagandist that it is
no wonder they are deluded; but such people forget that
there can be no real union between parties whose feelings
and attitudes are in every respect opposed to each other
and where one of whom claims rights and interests which
are adverse to the interests of the others. Union among
such people would be nothing but fraud upon the weak
and suffering party. Every sincere man who repudiates the
fraud is maligned by these imposters, as one who would sow
division. Division, indeed! Yes, a division it may be, but it
is a division, where a real difference and a real antagonism
exists. This antagonism arises chiefly because one section
of Labour claims vested rights against another section of
Labour namely the Depressed Classes. Nobody wants to
create a difference. What we are doing is to recognize the
difference and to prevent the difference from working an
injustice to us.