Vol. 17, Part III · pages 211–215
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Speeches
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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182 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
There is no question that you must organize if you want to
remove your grievances. The next question is what purpose is
your orga nization to serve. That you must organize for trade
purposes goes without saying. The question is should you form
a separate union of your own or should you join any of the
existing unions. This is a question which you must seriously
consider before you decide upon your line of action.
Trade unionism in India is in a sorry state. The chief
aim of trade unions is completely lost sight of. The chief
aim of trade unionism is to protect the standard of living of
the working class from being reduced. In Europe there is a
noticeable tendency on the part of a normal man to cling to
his established standard of comfort to the mode of life to which
by birth and training he is accustomed. He will resist with
firm determination any attempt to reduce it. It is notorious
that this determination is not to be found in the Indian
worker. He is anxious only to exist. He has no desire to live.
And as Mill pointed out “where there is not in the people a
resolute resistence to this deterioration - a determination to
preserve an established standard of comfort - the condition
of the poorest class sinks, even in a progressive state, to the
lowest point which they will consent to endure.” If there is
any country where trade unionism was an absolute necessity
in my opnion it was India. But as I said today trade unionism
in India is a stagnant and stinking pool. It is entirely due to
the fact that the leadership of trade unionism is either timid,
selfish or misguided. There are some labour leaders who are
only arm-chair philosophers or politicians who have limited
their task to issuing statements in the papers. Organizing the
workers, educating the workers and helping them to agitate
does not form part of their duty. They are only anxious to
represent the workers and speak on their behalf but avoid
having any contact with them. A second category of labour
leaders is of those who are engaged in forming unions for the
sole purpose of finding a place for themselves as Secretaries,
Presidents or Chairmen. To maintain themselves in their places
they try to keep their unions as separate and rival entities.
One notices the astounding and shameful phenomenon that
the warfare between different unions is far more deadly than
what exists - if any at all - between workers and owners-and
all this for what- for no other purpose than that of securing
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183TRADE UNIONS............INTERESTS
mastery over unions for certain individuals whose ambition
is to find a leader’s place for themselves. The third class of
labour leaders is composed principally of the communists.
They may be well meaning but I have no hesitation in saying
that they are a misguided body of men and I go further
and say that nobody has brought a greater ruination on
the workers than these men. If to-day the back of workers
is completely broken, if to-day the masters have the upper
hand, if to-day unionism is an anathema it is entirely due
to the misuse of the powers which the communists had at
one time secured over the trade unions. Their aim seems to
bring about discontent among the workers as though there
was any absence of it, because they believe that with a
discontented body of workers they will bring about a revolution
and establish the rule of the proletariat. Therefore to bring
about discontent they launched upon a systematic campaign
of organizing disorganization. The series of strikes on which
they drove the men can have no other meaning and no other
consequence except that it was a deliberate attempt to organize
disorganization. For a successful revolution it is not enough
that there is discontent; what is required is a profound and
thorough conviction of the justice, necessity and importance
of political and social right. Not even a revolutionary Marxist
would make a fetish of strikes, as was done in the good old
days by the Revolutionary Syndicalists. The strike was never
considered by revolutionary Marxists as a “revolutionary
exercise” but was regarded as a very serious measure to be
resorted to as a last extremity after all efforts have proved
unavailing. But the Communists have thrown all this to the
winds and have looked upon strikes as a divine means of
creating discontent among the workers. Whether they have
created greater discontent or not they have most certainly
destroyed the very trade union organizations which were the
source of their strength and their power and now they are
practically on the streets seeking to take shelter under all
sorts of capitalist organizations. What else can be expected
from such a senseless activity. The Communist is like an
incendiary who in his desire to set up a general conflagration
has not taken care to save his own house.
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184 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
As a result there are no unions in existence to which
workers can resort to. I am not going to speak about the malaise
that prevails among the textile workers in Bombay. The less is
said about it the better. But take the state of affairs existing
in the G. I. P. Railway workers. In 1920 the G. I. P. Railway
Staff Union was organized. It was defunct between the years
1922-24. It was revived in 1925. In 1927 another rival union by
name the G. I. P. Railwaymen’s Union was organized. In 1931
the two unions were amalgamated under the name of Railway
Worker’s Union. In 1932 there was a split in this union and
a new union called the Railway Labour Union was started. In
1935 the old G. I. P. Staff Union was revived and started as a
new body. It is now the recognized union and there is a sharp
conflict and rivalry between these unions which all are out to
serve the interests of the Railway workers. All this conflict
is due to competition for leadership between the communist
and non-communist groups among the labour leaders. The
same rivalry has caused a split in the central organization.
The All India Trade Union Congress was started in 1919 as
the central organization of labour. All unions were affiliated
to this Congress till 1929. In 1929 a split occured at Nagpur
and those unions which did not accept the leadership of the
Communist section seceded and formed a separate body called
the National Trade Union Federation. A sharp antagonism
prevails between these two bodies. In 1931 and 1932 efforts
were made to bring about unity between these two rival bodies.
But they have failed. Something to that effect is now on the
anvil. What good will come out of it is more than I can say.
Under these circumstances it is difficult for me to give you
any advice. There would be nothing wrong if you started a
separate union of your own provided you have got the men
to run the union. This is a very big proviso. A union if it is
to flourish must function and a union cannot function if it
cannot secure the services of efficient functionaries. Can you
get men to run your union ? If you can, form your own Union.
In fact it would be better if you did. There is nothing wrong
in a separate union. Because separate unions need not result
in separatism or weakness. Your separate union can always be
affiliated to some central organization of labour which can give
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185TRADE UNIONS............INTERESTS
unity of purpose and unity of action. If you cannot organize
a separate union of your own you may join any one of the
existing unions. But you must take care that the union does
not use you for its purposes. There is great danger of such a
thing happening. It has happened in Bombay where invariably
strikes have been called in the interests of the weavers and
the spinners have been used to support the cause of the
weavers. To avoid this you must insist upon two conditions.
Firstly you must insist upon a special rep resentation in the
executive of the union so that your special problems will
receive the attention and support of the union. Secondly you
must insist upon some part of your contribution to the union
to be ear-marked for being used if necessary for fighting out
your grievances. These must be two essential conditions on
which you should join a general union of all workers if you
do not decide to have a separate of your own.
There is no question that you must organize a union
for trade purposes. But that is not enough. You must also
organize for political purposes. Experience has shown that
trade unionism by itself cannot help the labourers to win in
their struggle against the masters. The question whether trade
unions should enter politics is a question on which there can
now be no two opinions.
Trade unions must enter politics because without political
power they cannot protect purely trade union interests. Even
for the purpose of securing such reforms as standard rate,
normal day, common rule, minimum living wage, collective
bargaining are aims which cannot be secured merely by
organizing unions. The power of unions must be strengthened
by the force of law. This cannot happen until in addition to
organizing yourselves into unions you also begin to play your
part in the politics of the country.
The protection of purely trade union interests cannot be the
only reason why trade union must enter politics. To confine
your attention to trade unionism is to mistake the immediate
task for the ultimate goal; it is to assume that slaving for others
is a destiny which the labouring classes cannot escape. On the
contrary your aim should be to replace this system of wageslavery by a system which will recognize the principles of liberty,
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186 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
equality, and fraternity. This means re-building of society
and, I say that it is the primary concern of the labouring
class to bring about such a reconstruction of society. But
how can the labouring class realize this ideal ? Effective use
of political power is certainly a powerful means to this end.
Why should they not seize such political power as they have
got ? Repudiation of politics by trade unions does not mean
that workers, as individuals will not interest themselves in
politics. On the contrary, many of them will attend political
meetings, vote at elections for one candidate or another and
frequently join one or other of the political parties. “No politics”
for trade unions does not mean no politics for workers who
are members of the union. The watch word of ‘No Politics’
will apply only to the organized forms of politics. Under
such circumstances every individual worker could privately
engage in politics as much as he desired, and of any shade
he liked, but when organized with his fellow workers he
was to quit politics the moment he entered his organization.
Naturally, by thus atomising himself politically, by refusing
to use in the interests of his class, that which constitutes
this main strength i. e. organization the worker is sure to
be a prey to the organized force of the capitalist party. As
you probably know that the two rival bodies which claim
the right to speak in the name of labour, the Trade Union
Congress and the Trade Union Federation have decided to
merge themselves into one body. Each has gone by half
to bring about this unity. The Trade Union Congress has
adopted the constitution of the Trade Union Federation and
the Trade Union Federation has agreed to drop its name. I
understand that one of the conditions of this unity is that
this organization is to be a purely Trade Union organization.
It is to have no politics. When I heard this I wondered if
these gentlemen really understood what they said. It is a
matter of great sorrow that the workers have been suffering
the gross injustice to which they have been subjected chiefly
by neglecting to use the means at their command towards
removing the cause of it, I mean the use of political power. I
fail to understand what this trade union unity is if it is not for
a united political action. There is some meaning in the phrase
agreeing to differ if the point on which there is difference is
so small or immaterial that it does not disturb the agreement