Vol. 17, Part III · pages 286–290
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and His Egalitarian Revolution — Speeches
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 286 (printed page 257)
257IF DEMOCRACY....................OUR DOOM
administration and you can have good administration when
you have persons belonging to the Untouchables holding
high administrative posts from which they could watch
how other Hindu Civil Servants are behaving towards the
Untouchables and to check them, control them and prevent
them from doing mischief. It is, however, not enough to
ask for mere reservation. It is necessary to insist that such
reservation shall be given effect to within a stated period.
This is far more essential than mere reservation. For, unless
you fix a period, the reservation will not come. It will be
evaded on one ground or another and of course on the usual
but unfathomable ground that no suitable candidate was
available. We all know that to a Hindu, if he is the appointing
authority, no candidate from the Untouchables would be a
suitable candidate. Fourthly, you must insist upon securing
representation for the Untouchables in the Central and
Provincial Executives. These are key positions. It is those who
occupy these positions who have the power to give direction
to the course of events. They alone can control any mischief
that they may be threatened of and they alone can force new
and salutary changes in social, political, and economic affairs.
The Untouchables must insist that their representatives
are placed in these key postitions. This time it must not be
left to understanding or convention. The Hindus cannot be
trusted to abide by their plighted word. You must see that
a provision in this behalf is made part of the constitution.
Then, there is the last demand which the Untouchables
must insist upon. It is the last, but it is by no means
the least in importance. Indeed, I am convinced that it is
the most vital demand which to my mind must override
every other demand. I refer to the project of having new
settlements of the Untouchables, separate and independent,
of the Hindu villages. Why have the Untouchables been
the slaves and serfs of the Hindus for so many thousand
years ? To my mind the answer lies in the peculiar
organization of Hindu villages. You have spread out all
over India some 7,00,000 Hindu villages, Attached to
every Hindu village there exists a small settlement of
PDF page 287 (printed page 258)
258 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Untouchables. This settlement of Untouchables is usually
numerically very small as compared with the Hindu village to
which it is attached. Secondly, this settlement of Untouchables
is economically without any resource and without any
opportunity for improvement. It is invariably a settlement
of landless population. Being Untouchable it could not sell
anything, for nobody would buy from an Untouchable. It is
wholly a population, destitute, and dependent for its livelihood
upon the Hindu village. It lives by begging food or by offering
its labour for a paltry wage. In this setting you can well
understand why the Untouchable has remained in a degraded
condition for so many centuries. As against the Hindu village,
the Untouchables simply cannot offer any resistance. They
are numerically small and they are economically poor. While
this village system continues to exist in its present form, the
Untouchables will never achieve their independence, whether
social, or economic, and will never get over the inferiority
complex which they have developed as a result of their state
of social and economic dependence. The village system must,
therefore, be broken. It is the only way that is open for the
Untouchables if they really wish to emancipate themselves
from the stranglehold which the Hindus have acquired over
them through the village system. My suggestion is that you
should insist upon a provision being made in the Constitution
for the formation of new and independent villages exclusively
of Untouchables at the public cost to be undertaken by the
Central Government. There is a good deal of cultivable land
which belongs to Government and which is unoccupied. This
could be reserved for the puipose of giving effect to this
scheme of new villages of Untouchables. Government could
buy from private individuals out-lying vacant land and use
it for the same purpose. It would not be difficult to induce
the Untouchables to shift from their present habitats to
these new villages and settle there as independent farmers.
The process may take time. But, that does not matter. It is
so vital that we must insist upon the scheme being made by
the constitution itself a matter of obligation upon the Central
Govenment.
There is one other point about which I must speak to you a
few words. That is about the necessity of forming one central
PDF page 288 (printed page 259)
259IF DEMOCRACY....................OUR DOOM
all-India political organisation to act as the mouth-piece of
the Untouchables of India. We have been carrying on our
political activities through our provincial organizations. I
find that even in provinces there is a multiplicity of political
organizations. Any ambitious person who wants to parade
himself as a President or a Secretary founds an association
with himself as President or the Secretary. He needs do
nothing more than get a printed letter paper having the name
of the association and his name as President or Secretary.
This is a state of anarchy which you must put a stop to
at once. There is only one way by which this can be done.
And that is by establishing an all-India organization with
provincial branches and to abolish all existing organizations.
This will give you the strength you need and enable you
to work in a manner that will help you to build a united
front. I hope you will take up this matter in right earnest.
I have told you what I have thought and felt regarding
the problem of the Untouchables and I hope you will give
it your best consideration.
Perhaps, in closing I may refer to our attitude to the
war. From the beginning we have supported the war
efforts. I am sure we shall continue to lend it our support.
We have our political demands which, we insist, shall
be satisfied. But we have given our support to the war
efforts without making the satisfaction of our demands
being a condition precedent. It is not that we value the
satisfaction of our demands as of lesser importance than
the successful conclusion of the war. We do not lay down
any conditions for our support to the war because we feel
that the successful issue of the war will help us better in
the realization of our political demands than the loss of the
war. This is a war between democracy and dictatorship - not
an enlightened dictatorship but a dictatorship of the most
barbarous character based not on any moral ideal but on
racial arrogance. If any dictatorship needs to be destroyed,
it is this vile Nazi Dictatorship. Amidst all the political
dissensions that one witnesses in this country, amidst
all uncertainties of the future which some feel, we are
PDF page 289 (printed page 260)
260 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
likely to forget what a menace to our future this Nazism,
if it wins, is going to be. What is more important is that
its racial basis is a positive danger to Indians. If this is a
correct view of the situation, it seems to me that there lies
on us a very heavy duty to see that democracy does not
vanish from the earth as a governing principle of human
relationship. If we believe in it, then, we must both be true
and loyal to it. We must not only be staunch in our faith in
democracy but we must resolve to see that in whatever we
do, we do not help the enemies of democracy to uproot the
principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. On that point
I hope we are all agreed and if you agree with me, then
if follows that we must strive along with other democratic
countries to maintain the basis of democratic civilization.
If democracy lives, we are sure to reap the fruits of it. If
democracy dies, it will be our doom. On that there can be
no doubt.
There is nothing more that I have to say to you on this
occasion. I am happy to be in the midst of you. I shall be
happy to serve you in future as I have done in the past. If
we all work together and strive together, we will not fail, for
our cause is the cause of justice. and the cause of humanity.
Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj, President, declared the session
adjourned till 10 A. M. tomorrow and that as already
announced the Subject Committee will meet at 9 p.m. tonight in the hall of the Mohan Park Hotel.
Subjects Committee’s Sittings
July 18, 1942
The Subjects Committee of the Third All-India Depressed
Classes Conference, consisting of all the delegates, met at
9 p.m. in the hall of the Mohan Park Hotel, with the President,
Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj in the Chair and discussed the
draft resolutions. After a session lasting for four hours, the
Subjects Committee unanimously agreed upon the resolutions
to be placed before the open session of the Conference.
PDF page 290 (printed page 261)
261IF DEMOCRACY....................OUR DOOM
Open Session
Second Day
July 19, 1942
The Third Session of the All-India Depressed Classes
Conference re-assembled at 10 a.m. with Rao Bhadur
N. Shivraj in the Chair.
The proceedings commenced with the singing of songs
specially composed and sung by several members of the
Conference.
Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj said,
Ladies and gentlemen,
I want to announce that the Subjects Committee has agreed
to place in this Conference five resolutions. Resolutions I to IV
will be moved first as one proposition and Resolution V will
be moved next. I now call upon Mr. B. K. Gaikwad, M.L.A.
Nasik ( Bombay ) to move the first four resolutions.
While moving Resolutions Mr. B. K. Gaikwad said,
Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen, the resoultions I am
asked to move which read as follows :
Resolution No I : Cripps Proposals Unacceptable
This Conference declares that the proposals of His Majesty’s
Government relating to constitutional changes sent out with
Sir Strafford Cripps are utterly unacceptable to the Scheduled
Castes. In the opinion of this Conference these proposals were
nothing but a betrayal of the interests of the Scheduled Castes
and a breach of the assurance given by His Excellency the
Viceroy in his declaration of 8th August 1940 on behalf of
His Majesty’s Government that a constitution which had not
the consent of the Scheduled Castes would not be imposed
upon them.
Protest Against Cripps Proposals
This Conference places on record its most emphatic protest
against His Majesty’s Government agreeing to the demand
made by the Congress that the new Constitution be framed
by a Constituent Assembly and also against the proposal
of safeguarding the interests of the Scheduled Castes by a