Vol. 2 · pages 706–710
In the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table Conferences
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 706 (printed page 685)
685EVIDENCE : MIR MAQBOOL MAHMOOD AND OTHERS
relationship of control as representative of the paramount power to bring
it into effect.
3042. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I do not know whether I have made myself
clear. My point is that the Federal Court is part of the Federal Constitution ?
Dr. P. K. Sen : Undoubtedly.
3043. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : And the head of the Federal Constitution will
be the Governor-General and not the Viceroy ?
Dr. P. K. Sen : Yes.
3044. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Consequently, the enforcement of the decisions
of the Federal Judiciary, which is part of the Federal Constitution, properly
belongs to the Governor-General and not to the Viceroy, and there fore it is
the Governor-General who ought to have the power of enforcement ?
Dr. P. K. Sen : All I can say is that it seems that the proper procedure
would be for the Governor-General to proceed through the Viceroy.
3045. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I will not pursue that point further.
Mr. Panikkar, in reply to a question put by Mr. Jayakar, you said that it
would be necessary to have the prior consent of the Indian States before
the subjects which are going to be reserved at the centre are transferred,
especially the Army. Have I represented you correctly ?
Mr. K. M. Panikkar : Quite correctly.
3046. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Do I understand you to say that if the States
assent, at the next time when a question for discussion arises, that the Army
should not be a transferred subject, it would not be transferred ?
Mr. K. M. Panikkar : Presumably so.
(4)
Sir Michael O’dwyer, G.C.I.E., K.C.S.I.
*3356. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : In your evidence I find that you make a
very sharp distinction between what are called the intellectual classes, or
intelligentsia and the masses. I want to ask you this : Do you make any
difference in the situation when the intellectuals which you have in mind
are drawn from one particular stratum of society and the situation in which
the intellectuals are drawn from the different strata of society ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I do. I think if they are drawn from different strata
they will have a wider outlook.
3357. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Do not you think in the present circumstances
in India the intellectual class is really a composite class not merely drawn
from the Brahmins but from the non-Brahmins, the Muslims, the Depressed
Classes ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : It varies very much in the different parts of India.
In the North of India the intellectual classes are predominantly Hindu out-
*Minutes of Evidence, Vol. II-A, 29th June 1933, pp. 406-07.
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686 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
side the Punjab, and are drawn from the higher caste-Hindus. In Madras,
where education has been more widespread, the situation is different. It
would be very hard to generalise.
3358. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : The point I wish to put to you is this : You
would not say, I am sure, that if the intellectual classes are drawn from the
different strata of Indian society, that there would be the same dichotomy
between them and the masses as would be the case if the intellectual classes
were drawn from one single stratum ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I entirely agree with you, there would not be.
3359. Dr. B. R Ambedkar : Therefore I think it would logically follow that
such an intellectual class could be trusted to take care of the masses from
which they themselves are drawn ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I think so ; they would be more likely to do so.
3360. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I want to ask you another question : Is it
not a fact that the existing Government rather fights shy of a legislative
programme of social reform ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : Yes, I think on the whole there is a hesitation to
do anything which could be construed or misconstrued interference with
religious usages.
3361. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Do you not agree that a large part of the
inefficiency of the Indian people is really due to these social evils ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I think it has been largely due to that.
3362. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : And, therefore a Government which fights
shy of a programme of legislative reform in order to remove the causes of
social inefficiency of the Indian people is a weak Government ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I would not say the Government fights shy. The
Government hesitates until it feels it has a certain support of a mass of
public opinion on its side. I think on that ground it supported the Survey Act.
3363. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Yes, but in the main its legislative programme
has been very poor ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : Yes, because legislation can never be too much in
advance of public opinion in a country like India. When the Government
first introduced legislation of that kind Mr. Tilak was at once up in arms,
and said the Government was interfering with religion. The result was an
agitation in the Deccan and massacres.
3364. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : The Government was frightened by a single
individual like Mr. Tilak ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : It was not Mr. Tilak alone ; he had marvellous
powers of carrying people with him.
3365. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Indians would not be afraid of Mr. Tilak ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I think they would. I think very few people would
cross swords with Mr. Tilak. Lord Sydenham was one.
3366. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : You said you would not transfer Law and
Order for the moment. You would transfer all the other before you would
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687EVIDENCE : SIR MICHAEL O’DWYER
transfer Law and Order, and not make any change at the centre. Would
you give us any idea of the interval you would like to elapse before Law
and Order is transferred ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I would leave it. Let communal antagonism die
down. When Ministers who have been given extended powers have used those
powers in the Departments of Land Revenue, Irrigation, and others, and
have shown that they are capable of being entrusted with further powers,
and when the anti-British agitations which exist and terrorist gangs which
exist in certain provinces have been got under, and when conditions are
otherwise favourable, then I would favour a transfer of Law and Order.
3367. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : You were asked whether there was any section
of the Indian public which would be favourable to the sort of scheme which
you propose. You said : Yes, there would be some sections in India which
would accept that ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : Yes.
3368. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I want to put this to you : Make the other
assumption which is being put to you that there is no section in India which
will accept that. I ask you to make that assumption ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : Yes.
3369. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Then tell us what would be your next move,
supposing you found that there was no section in India which was prepared
to accept your proposal ; what would be the advice that you would tender
to Parliament in that case ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I would go ahead on the lines I thought most
suitable for the benefit of the people of India.
3370. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Your position is do what you think best and
leave the Indians to accept or not accept ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : Yes ; trusting in time that they will see that the
restrictions imposed,…………
3371. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : For the sake of argument make that assumption
that ultimately, after sufficient waiting, you found no Indian section to accept
your scheme, what would be the advice you would then tender to Parliament ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : The advice I would tender to Parliament would be
to go ahead with the scheme which you consider feasible and workable in
the hope that the people in time will realise that your position is a natural
one and will come round to accept a reasonable view.
3372. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I am sorry you are not following my question.
My question is a very specific question ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : I might abbreviate it in this way. I do not think
people will maintain an unreasonable attitude for an indefinite period of time.
3373. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Supposing they thought the White Paper
Scheme, or your scheme, was so bad that they would not touch it ?
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688 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Sir Michael O’dwyer : The King’s Government must be carried on upon
the best methods by which you could do it.
*****
†3564. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : My Lord Chairman, before Sir Michael
O’dwyer leaves, may I point out one fact ? Sir Michael, in answer to a
question put by Mr. Butler, made the point that the Simon Commission
made the recommendation with regard to the Transfer of Law and Order ;
it is Volume II of the Simon Commission Report, paragraph 369. This is
the paragraph you had in mind, was it not, “In writing this Report we have
made no allusion to the events of the last few months in India” ?
Sir Michael O’dwyer : Yes, that is it.
3564A. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : But I should like to point out to you that
most of us understood by the events referred to here, the events of the NonCo-operation Movement by Gandhi and certainly not the communal riots
that took place in India, such as at Cawnpore.
Viscount Burnham : I said that had reference to the communal riots. I
understood it in the sense I mentioned, that they did not refer to the Civil
Disobedience Campaign, or to the communal riots which were the result of
them.
(5)
Mr. F. E. James, Mr. W. W. K. Page, Mr. T. Gavin-Jones, Mr. G.
E. Cuffe, Mr. L. A. Roffey, Sir William McKercher and Mr. F. W.
Hockenhnll
‡3882. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Just one or two questions. I want to ask
Mr. James one question first. Does your Association accept the declaration
that was made by Lord Irwin during his viceroyalty, on the 29th October
1929, which said that, according to the view of His Majesty’s Government
then in office, the logical evolution of India’s political constitution was
Dominion status ? Does your Association accept that declaration ?
Mr. F. E. James : I do not believe that that particular statement of Lord
Irwin is contained in the White Paper.
3883. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Not, it is not ?
Mr. F. E. James : And my Memorandum deals with the proposals of the
White Paper, but I do remember that at the time of that statement the
Association made a pronouncement, and I would refer the gentleman to the
newspaper files on which that pronouncement will be found.
3884. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Would you give us a summary of that
pronouncement ?
Mr. F. E. James : I would not trust my memory to do that just now.
3885. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Let me put my point somewhat differently.
†Minutes of Evidence, Vol. II-A, 29th June 1933, p. 424.
‡Ibid., 4th July 1933, pp. 476-77.
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689EVIDENCE : MR. F. E. JAMES AND OTHERS
Do you accept the proposals laid down in the White Paper as the final form
which the Constitution of India should take, or do you think there is some
room for evolution further ?
Mr. F. E. James : I think the answer to that is to be found in paragraph
1 of the Memorandum.
3886. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : That gives the answer, does it ?
Mr. F. E. James : That, I think, is the answer : “We consider the general
scheme of the White Paper to be satisfactory as a whole and to form a
reasonable basis on which to frame the future Constitution of India.”
3887. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : My question, if I may say so, was some what
different. My question is this : Do you regard these proposals as the final
form of India’s political constitution ?
Mr. F. E. James : May I refer you to the third sub-paragraph of paragraph
1 of the Memorandum, in which you will find the following words : “The
Council of the Association reserves the right to determine its final attitude
to the constitutional scheme when the Report of the Joint Select Committee
has been published and the Bill for the future Government of India based
upon that Report is presented to Parliament.”
3888. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Forgive me ; that, again, is not an answer to
my question. My question is somewhat different. My question is this : Do
you think that there is any more room for the advancement of the political
status of India beyond the proposals as they are laid down in the White
Paper ? Have I made myself clear ?
Mr. F. E. James : Yes. Obviously the White Paper leaves room for
modification or changes in the future.
3889. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I used the word “advancement” ?
Mr. F. E. James : If you call it advancement, possibly.
3890. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I will not pursue that point ?
Mr. F. E. James : But we are now considering only the proposals of the
White Paper.
3891. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : In paragraph 52 you make the proposal that
the Indian Legislatures should not have authority to effect the law of British
Nationality, I quite follow that point. Then you go further on and say that
it should not even have authority to prescribe what might be called Indian
Nationality, on the analogy of the Canadian Act. I understand what you
say. What I want to know is this. Do you want to put that as an absolute
limitation which would prevent the Indian Legislature from constituting a
status of an Indian National for any purpose whatsoever ?
Mr. F. E. James : No ; I think the paragraph is perfectly clear. We merely
say that if India does desire to legislature in that way, India should not
be permitted to do so to the exclusion of the European British Community
in India.
3892. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : I put it this way : Supposing, for instance, a
case arose which is similar to that which arose in Canada and which gave