Vol. 2 · pages 771–775
In the Bombay Legislature, with the Simon Commission and at the Round Table Conferences
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 771 (printed page 750)
750 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Sir Samuel Hoare : Yes. I think there is a great deal to be said for giving
the Governor a free choice, always assuming, Dr. Ambedkar, that the Cabinet
is collectively responsible and there would be no intention of imposing a
Minister against the wish of the Cabinet in case of this kind.
*****
†6549. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : Is Sir Samuel right in conceding that the
present Government of India Act makes a distinction between elected and
nominated members for appointment as Ministers ?
Sir Malcolm Hailey: It was new to me, but I took it from Dr. Ambedkar.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: I used it in the sense that it must be an elected
member within six months.
Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : So far as I can see the Government of India
Act makes no distinction between elected and nominated members for the
purpose of appointment as Ministers. The Section which deals with that
matter is Section 52.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: He has to get himself elected.
6550. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru: I thought Dr. Ambedkar put it to Sir
Samuel, and suggested that the Government of India Act makes a distinction
between elected and nominated members in the matter of being Minister ?
Sir Malcolm Hailey: It only does so to the extent of laying down that a
Minister shall not hold office for a longer period than six months unless he
becomes an elected member.
6551. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : But if there is a nominated member there
already, there is nothing to prevent you from appointing him Minister ?
Sir Malcolm Hailey: That is so.
6552. Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru : And that has been done ?
Sir Malcolm Hailey : Yes.
Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru: The law, as I understand it, is this: It is open to
the Governor to appoint any outsider a Minister, provided that outsider gets
elected to the Legislative Council within a period of six months. Similarly, it
is open to the Governor to appoint a Minister from the block of nominated
members who are already there. The Act does not make any distinction.
6553. Mr. Zafrulla Khan : Once a nominated member is appointed, does
he continue to be nominated member all the time or must he seek election ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: No, I thought that was quite clear. A nominated
member is treated just like anyone else.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: He cannot continue to be a Minister after six months
unless he gets elected.
*****
‡6558. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: May I read the section ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: Does it really very much matter with what the
†Minutes of Evidence, Vol. II-B, 14th July 1933, p. 748.
‡Ibid., pp. 749-50.
PDF page 772 (printed page 751)
751 EVIDENCE : RIGHT HON. SIR SAMUEL HOARE AND OTHERS
position is now ?
6559. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: It matters because I want to ask what the exact
position is. Section 52, sub-section 2 is : “No Minister shall hold office for a
longer period than six months unless he is or becomes an elected Member
of the Local Legislature.” All I wanted to suggest was that the Act does not
contemplate the continued holding of a nominated member as a Minister.
which would be the case if the suggestions in the White Paper were adopted,
that a nominated Member of the Second Chamber would be entitled to be a
Minister. With respect to the appointment of the Ministry, I want to draw
your attention to the recommendation of the Sub-Committee on Provincial
Constitution. They said: “The Sub-Committee is of the opinion that in the
discharge of that function the Governor should ordinarily summon the
Member possessing the largest following in the Legislature and invite him
to suggest the Ministers and submit their names for approval.” Paragraph
67 says that he shall make “his best endeavours to select his Ministers in
the following manner”—which I regard as a considerable departure from the
recommendation of the Provincial Constitution Committee ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: I do not think there is any departure at all. The
Committee said ‘ordinarily’, and this is, I imagine, what will ordinarily happen.
6560. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: You do not think it would be necessary, in the
interests of fostering collective responsibility, to impose an obligation upon
the Government that he should follow a particular course in the formation
of the Ministry ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: The Round Table Committee that Dr. Ambedkar quotes
did not think so.
6561. Dr. B. R: Ambedkar: I thought that was the thing ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: You have just read a quotation from them saying
“ordinarily” they thought so.
6562. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Or that they should do it —not “best endeavour” ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: It is a question of words.
6563. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: The next question I want to ask is on the
question of this ordinance power of the Ministers under Proposal 104. What
I want to know is this : Why is it necessary to make a provision of this
sort in the Constitution itself ? Would not it be possible for a Ministry in a
Provincial Legislature to have an Emergency Act passed by the Legislature
itself similar, for instance, to that of 1920 in this country, and to derive its
powers from the Acts passed by the Legislature ? I am talking about No.
104 : Would not it be possible for the Provincial Ministry to have an Act
passed by the Provincial Legislature giving them the necessary powers to
act in a specified emergency ?
PDF page 773 (printed page 752)
752 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Sir Samuel Hoare : I should have thought this was essentially a power
that every government must possess, namely, of taking emergency action
when the Legislature is not sitting and particularly necessary in a country
like India where there are great distances and where it may take some time
to get the Legislature sitting.
6564. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: I suggest the Provincial Ministry can get an
Act passed from the Provincial Legislature defining the emergencies in
which they may be called upon to act, and the Legislature may give them
the powers. Why is it necessary to make a provision of this sort in the
Constitution itself ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: Because I regard it as an essential power that a
Government should have, and as we are dealing with the whole field of
the Constitution it is the kind of power that ought to be inserted in the
Constitution Act
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: It is a power that is intended to be given to a
responsible Ministry and it is, in the nature of things, that the responsible
Ministry should draw its powers, whether emergency or otherwise, from the
Legislature to which it is responsible.
Lord Eustace Percy: May I remind Dr. Ambedkar that the Act of 1920 in
this country only regularized a power which Ministers frequently exercised
in the past without legislation ? It has always been the practice in this
country, that, subject to be a sequent Parliamentary indemnity, a Ministry
can issue an Emergency Order.
Dr. B. JR. Ambedkar: That is all I ask.
*****
†6870. Sir Hubert Carr: No. 44 gives the Governor-General power in his
discretion, “in any case in which he considers that a Bill introduced, or
proposed for introduction, or any clause thereto, or any amendment to a Bill
moved or proposed would affect the discharge of his ‘special responsibility’
for the prevention of any grave menace to the peace or tranquillity of India,
to direct that the Bill, clause or amendment shall not be further proceeded
with.” That, I understand, is only in the case of his special responsibility for
the peace or tranquillity of India being threatened. Does any such power exist
for him in the case of his other special responsibilities being threatened ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: No, I think not
6871. Sir Hubert Carr: For instance, (b) : “The safeguarding of the financial
stability and credit of the Federation” ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: No ; it is limited to the special responsibility for grave
menace to peace and tranquillity.
Sir Malcolm Hailey: I think I could give Sir Hubert the reason for that.
It is a practical repetition of Section 67 (2a) of the existing Act which only
refers to the safety and tranquillity in British India, and it has been repeated
†Minutes of Evidence, Vol. II-B, 18th July 1933, p. 784.
PDF page 774 (printed page 753)
753 EVIDENCE : RIGHT HON. SIR SAMUEL HOARE AND OTHERS
almost in terms.
6872. Sir Hubert Carr: It is not considered necessary to give the GovernorGeneral that power to prevent his responsibilities being threatened other than
peace and tranquillity ?
Sir Findlater Stewart: No. He could, of course, refuse his assent to the Bill
as passed by the House.
6873. Sir Hubert Carr: But he cannot stop the discussion ?
Sir Findlater Stewart: No.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: I would like to reserve my questions for the Secretary
of State because they are questions of policy.
*****
†7016. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar : Arising out of the questions that were put by
Mr. Morgan Jones regarding the pledges, you stated that no responsible statesman
in this country has bound himself to time and pace. Is that so ?
Sir Samuel Hoare : Yes.
7017. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: But I think there is a general agreement that the
ultimate goal of India’s Constitution is to be Dominion status ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: It has constantly been so stated.
7018. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: So that on the question of the ultimate goal, there
is really no dispute ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: That would be so, yes.
7019. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Now what I want to ask you is this : In view of
that, would you be prepared to put this in the Preamble to the Government of
India’s Constitution that India would be Dominion status, leaving the question
of the time and the pace to be determined by circumstances as they arise ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: I do not think here and now I would like to give a pledge
as to What is or is not put in the Preamble of an Act of Parliament. I, myself,
am prejudiced against Preamble of Acts of Parliament, for reasons good or bad,
and I would rather say neither yes nor no to Dr. Ambedkar’s question. It is a
point that ought to be considered by the Committee. I would not regard it as
a question of principle, one way or the other; I think it is essentially a matter
for discussion. Upon the face of it, I am against these general declarations in
Preambles.
7020. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: I want to say this, that this is not a point in
dispute now, and, in view of the fact that it would have a reassuring effect on
the Indian people, it would be desirable to have this embodied in the Preamble
to the Government of India Act ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: We must take note of what Dr. Ambedkar has said upon
the point.
7021. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Now the next question that I propose to ask
you is with regard to the date of the Federation : that in view of certain
uncertain elements connected with the entry of the Princes into the Federation,
†Minutes of Evidence, Vol. II-B, 18th July 1933, pp. 797-805.
PDF page 775 (printed page 754)
754 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
it was not desirable to give a date for the inauguration of the Federation.
Now the point that I propose to put to you is this : What would you say to
a proposal like this — I am making it as my own : Supposing you started
the Federation without waiting for the Princes, and had a nominated bloc
appointed by the Viceroy or the Governor-General, it may be officials or
non-officials, it may be partly from officials and partly from non-officials,
and then inaugurate your Federation, and then, as the Princes come in,
eliminate the nominated bloc to make room for such Princes as begin to
come in ? Have you any objection to a proposal of this sort ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: Yes, I have several objections to it. I think that
perhaps, the strongest that occurs to me offhand is that it is a completely
new one. Here for the last three years we have been considering no other
kind of Federation than an All-India Federation, with the Princes adequately
represented in it.
7022. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: Quite true, but let me pursue this point ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: May I just finish my answer? Secondly, I would say,
even apart from that every formidable objection, an objection that would
mean that we should have to start all our discussions over again, there is
the further objection that I do not see what is to happen supposing when
you had got your nominated bloc, the Princes then do not come into the
Federation at all.
7023. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: I will put my next question. You want the
Princes’ representation as a stabilising element ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: No; more than that, Dr. Ambedkar; I would not
restrict myself to that at all. I want the Princes’ accession for a number of
reasons. I believe, quite apart from the stabilising element of the Princes’
representation, they can bring into the Government of India many very
valuable influences.
7024. Dr. B R. Ambedkar: But my point is this, I am not making this
suggestion as a permanent part of the Constitution. I am making the
suggestion for the transitional period until the Princes come in. I am only
trying to get over the difficulty that you would say would arise if the Princes
do not make up their minds to come in a stated period. I am only trying to
get over the difficulty as to date ?
Sir Samuel Hoare: I quite see that. None the less, with the best will in
the world, I do see the very formidable objections that I have just mentioned
to a transitional plan of this kind.
Nawab Sir Liaqat Hayat Khan : In any case, if I might interject, had
that not better be brought out when you meet again, in the event of such a
contingency arising. It has been promised that when a contingency arises we
meet again. I think a suggestion of that nature would be more appropriate
then rather than now.
Sir A. P. Patro: You will not be there when it comes.
Sir Samuel Hoare : I have always thought that it is really a great mistake,