Vol. 3 · pages 116–120
Philosophy of Hinduism; Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India; Buddha or Karl Marx
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THE HINDU SOCIAL ORDER : ITS ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES
she proved contumacious; and finally their own ghol, acting singly,
outcasted the man. The Dalmu ghol, however, dissenting from this
action admitted the husband to communion with themselves upon
payment of a fine of Rs. 80 in lieu of excommunication. Secondly
a man (the ghol, again is not given) was excommunicated by his
own ghol, acting alone; and while his case was under trial, the
Jaiswala Chaudhri invited him to dinner by mistake. Thereupon,
the three ghols, acting in concert, fined the Chaudhri Rs. 30.
Lastly, fines had accumulated and it was decided to hold a Katha
(sacred recitation). The Dalmu Chaudhri said he preferred to have
his share of money; but the Manikpur Chaudhri (who seems to
have kept the joint purse) refused, taking up the attitude that
there was going to be a Katha to which the Dalmu people could
come or not as they liked. The matter at this stage was brought
into court; meanwhile the three ghols ceased to inter-marry, so
that one endogamous sub-caste split into three quarrels, ghol
was pitted against ghol.
If in any caste a group should adopt some new or unusual
worship of which other members do not approve, one would expect
that group to break off and become an endogamous sub-caste.
That such sub-castes are uncommon is due to the tolerance about
what and with whom he eats and whom he marries. We do,
however, find that the Mahabhiras and Panchipriya sub-castes
amongst Telis, Koris and the Namakshalis amongst Barhais,
Bhangis and Kadheras.”
How do these castes behave towards one another. Their guiding
principle is ‘be separate’, do not intermarry ‘do not interdine’ and
‘do not touch’. Mr. Blunt 1 has well described the situation when
he says:
“A Hindu sits down to a meal either alone or with his caste
fellows. The women cannot eat with the men; they wait till their
lords have finished. So long as the meal or a part of it consists
of Kachcha food (as it usually does, since Chapatis appear at
most meals), the man must dine with the precautions of a magic
ceremony. He sits within a square marked off on the ground
(chauka) inside which is the Chulha or cooking place. Should a
stranger’s shadow fall upon this square, all food cooked within it
is polluted and must be thrown away. In camp, Hindu servants
may be seen, each well apart from the rest, each within his own
chauka, cooking his food upon his own mud oven and eating
alone……
“Rules regarding the acceptance of water are on the whole the
same as those regarding the acceptance of a pakka food, but with
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104 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
a tendency to greater laxity. The vessel in which the water is
contained affects the question. A high caste man will allow a low
caste man to fill his lota (drinking vessel) for him; but he will
not drink from the lota of that low caste man. Or a high caste
man will give anybody (save Untouchables) a drink, by pouring
water from his own lota into that of the drinker; all the men
employed at stations to supply railway travellers with water are
Barhais, Baris, Bharbhunjas, Halwais, Kahars, and Nais; and of
course from higher castes still.
Rules regarding smoking are stricter. It is very seldom that a
man will smoke with anybody but a caste fellow; the reason, no
doubt is that smoking with a man usually involves smoking his
pipe, and this involves much closer contact even than eating food
which he has prepared. So stringent is this rule, indeed, that the
fact that Jats, Ahirs, and Gujars will smoke together has been
regarded as a ground for supposing that they are closely akin.
Some castes, the Kayastha for instance, differentiates between
smoking in narial fashion in which the hands are closed round
the pipe and the smoke is drawn in without putting the stem
actually in the mouth—and smoking in the usual way. Little need
be said on the subject of vessels. There are rules laying down
what sort of vessels should be made, but they are rather religious
than social. Hindus must use brass or alloy (although the use of
alloy is hedged about by numerous and minute injunctions, and
if such vessels become impure, the only remedy is to get them
remoulded). The risk of pollution makes it imperative for every
man to have a few vessels of his own. The minimum consists
of a lota (drinking vessel), batna (cooking pot), and thali (dish).
Better class folk add a Katora (spoon) and Gagra (Water pot).
For feasts, the brotherhood usually keep a set of larger vessels
of all kinds, which they lend to the host; these are bought with
the proceeds of fines, and are common property.” 1
What fraternity can there be in a social order based upon such
sentiments? Far from working in a spirit of fraternity the mutual
relations of the castes are fratricidal. Class consciousness, class
struggle and class war are supposed to be ideologies which came into
vogue from the writings of Karl Marx. This is a complete mistake.
India is the land which has experienced class consciousness, class
struggle. Indeed, India is the land where there has been fought a
class war between Brahmans and Kshatriyas 2 which lasted for several
1 In the Northern India the bar to eating together applies only when the food is kachcha
food. In Southern India the bar is complete and applies even when the food it pucca food.
Kachcha food is food cooked in water. Pacca food is food cooked in ghee.
2 See my book ‘Who were the Shudras?’
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THE HINDU SOCIAL ORDER : ITS ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLES
generations and which was fought so hard and with such virulence
that it turned but to be a war of extermination.
It must not be supposed that the fratricidal spirit has given place to
a spirit of fraternity. The same spirit of separation marks the Hindu
social order today as may be seen from what follows:
Each class claims a separate origin. Some claim origin from a Rishi
or from a hero. But in each case it is a different Rishi or a different
hero having nothing to do with the Rishis and heroes claimed by
other castes as their progenitors. Each caste is engaged in nothing but
establishing for itself a status superior to that of another caste. This is
best illustrated by rules of hypercommensality and rules of hypergamy.
As pointed out by Mr. Blunt 1:
“It is essential to realize that in respect of the cooking taboo, the
criterion is the caste of the person who cooks the food, not the caste
of the person who offers it. It follows, therefore, that a high caste
Hindu can eat the food of a man of any caste, however low, if his host
possesses a cook of suitable caste. And that is why so many cooks
are Brahmins. The Hindu draws a distinction between kachcha food,
which is cooked in water and pucca food which is cooked with ghee
(clarified butter). This distinction depends on the principle that ghee,
like all the products of the sacred cow, protects from impurity, and
since such protection is the object of all food taboos, this convenient
fiction enables the Hindu to be less particular in the case of pucca
food than of kachcha food, and to relax his restrictions accordingly:
Speaking of hypergamy, Mr. Blunt 2 says:—
“The custom of hypergamy introduces an important modification
into the marriage laws of many castes. Where it prevails, the
exogamous groups are classified according to their social position;
and whilst a group of highest rank will take brides from it, it will
not give brides to a group of lower rank. The law is found most
highly developed amongst Rajputs but it is observed by many other
castes..... Indeed amongst all Hindus there is probably a tendancy
towards hypergamy.”
What is it that has behind these rules regarding hyper-commensality
and hypergamy ? Nothing else but the spirit of high and low. All castes
are infested with that spirit and there is no caste which is free from it.
The Hindu social order is a ladder of castes placed one above the other
together representing an ascending scale of hatred and a descending
scale of contempt.
1 ‘The Caste system of Northern India’ pp. 89-90.
2 Ibid. ‘The Caste system of Northern India’.
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106 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
This spirit has exhibited itself in the proverbs coined by one caste
with the object of lampooning another caste. It has given rise even to
literature by authors of low castes suggesting filthy origin of the socalled high caste. The Sahyadrikhand is the best illustration of it. It
is one of the Puranas which form part of the Hindu sacred literature.
It is a Purana of a style quite different from the traditional puranas.
It deals with the origin of the different castes. In doing so, it assigns
noble origin to other castes while it assigns to the Brahmin caste the
filthiest origin.
Does the Hindu social order recognise equality ? The answer must
be in the negative. That men are born equal is a doctrine which is
repugnant to the Hindu social order. In the spiritual sense it treats
the doctrine as false. According to the Hindu social order though it is
true that men are the children of Prajapati the Creator of the Universe,
they are not equal on that account. For, they were created from the
different parts of the body of Prajapati. The Brahmins were created
from the mouth, the Kshatriyas from the arms, the Vaishyas from his
thighs and Shudras from his feet. The limbs from which they were
created being of unequal value the men thus created are as unequal. In
the biological sense, the Hindu social order does not bother to examine
whether the doctrine is founded in a fact. If it was not a fact, i.e., men
were not equal in their character and natural endowments of character
and intelligence so much the better. On the other hand, if it was a fact,
i.e., men were equal in character and natural endowments, so much
the worse for the doctrine. The Hindu social order is indifferent to the
doctrine as a fact. It is equally indifferent to it as an ethical principle.
It refuses to recognise that men no matter how profoundly they differ
as individuals in capacity and character, are equally entitled as human
beings to consideration and respect and that the well-being of a society
is likely to be increased if it so plans its organization that, whether
their powers are great or small, all its members may be equally enabled
to make the best of such powers as they possess. It will not allow
equality of circumstances, institutions and manner of life. It is against
equalitarian temper.
III
If the Hindu social order is not based on equality and fraternity, what
are the principles on which it is based ? There is only one answer to
this question. Though few will be able to realize what they are, there
is no doubt as to their nature and effect on Hindu society. The Hindu
social order is reared on three principles. Among these the first and
foremost is the principle of graded inequality.
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That the principle of graded inequality is a fundamental principle is
beyond controversy. The four classes are not on horizontal plane, different
but equal. They are on vertical plane. Not only different but unequal
in status, one standing above the other. In the scheme of Manu, the
Brahmin is placed at the first in rank. Below him is the Kshatriya. Below
the Kshatriya is the Vaishya. Below Vaishya is the Shudra and below
Shudra is the Ati-shudra or the Untouchable. This order of precedence
among the classes is not merely conventional. It is spiritual, moral and
legal. There is no sphere of life which is not regulated by this principle
of graded inequality.
One can substantiate this by numerous illustrations from the Manu
Smriti. I will take four illustrations to prove the point. They will be
the law of slavery, law of marriage, law of punishment and law of
Samskaras and law of Sanyas. The Hindu law recognised slavery as a
legal institution. Manu Smriti recognised seven kinds of slaves. Narada
Smriti recognised fifteen kinds of slaves. These differences as to the
number of slaves and the classes under which they fall is a matter of
no importance. What is important is to know who could enslave whom.
On this point, the following citations from the Narada Smriti and the
Yajnavalkya Smriti are revealing:
Narada Smriti: V. 39. “In the inverse order of four castes slavery
is not ordained except where a man violates the duties peculiar to his
caste. Slavery (in that respect) is analogous to the condition of a wife.”
Yajnavalkya Smriti: XVI. 183 (2). “Slavery is in the descending order
of the Varnas and not in the ascending order.”
Recognition of slavery was bad enough. But if the rule of slavery had
been left free to take its own course it would have had at least one
beneficial effect. It would have been a levelling force. The foundation
of caste would have been destroyed. For under it, a Brahmin might
have become the slave of the Untouchables and the Untouchables
would have become the masters of the Brahmin. But it was seen that
unfettered slavery was an equilitarian principle and an attempt was
made to nullify it. Manu and his successors therefore while recognising
slavery ordian that it shall not be recognized in its inverse order to the
Varna system. That means that a Brahmin may become the slave of
another Brahmin. But he shall not be the slave of a person of another
Varna, i.e., of the Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra, or Ati-Shudra. On the
other hand, a Brahmin may hold as his slave anyone belonging to the
four Varnas. A Kshatriya can have a Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra and
Ati-Shudra as his slaves but not one who is a Brahmin. A Vaishya
can have a Vaishya, Shudra and Ati-Shudra as his slaves but not one
who is a Brahmin or a Kshatriya. A Shudra can hold a Shudra and