Vol. 3 · pages 156–160
Philosophy of Hinduism; Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India; Buddha or Karl Marx
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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SYMBOLS OF HINDUISM
Of course, when a perosn is expelled from his caste the penalty is
uniform. His friends, relatives and fellowmen refuse to partake of his
hospitality. He is not invited to entertainments in their houses. He
cannot obtain brides or bridegrooms for his children. Even his married
daughters cannot visit him without running the risk of being exlcuded
from caste. His priest, his barber and washerman refuse to serve him.
His fellow castemen severe their connection with him so completely
that they refuse to assist him even at the funeral of a member of his
household. In some cases the man excluded from caste is debarred access
to public temples and to the cremation or burial ground.
These reasons for expulsion from caste indirectly show the rules and
regulations of the caste. But all regulations are not fundamental. There
are many which are unessential. Caste can exist even without them.
The essential and unessential can be distinguished by asking another
question. When can a Hindu who has lost caste regain his caste ? The
Hindus have a system of Prayaschitas which are Penances and which
a man who has been expelled from caste must perform before he can
be admitted to caste fellowship. With regard to these Prayaschitas or
Penances certain points must be remembered. In this first place, there
are caste offences for which there is no Prayaschita. In the second
place, the Prayaschitas vary according to the offence. In some cases the
Prayaschitas involve a very small penalty. In other cases the penalty
involved is a very severe one.
The existence of a Prayaschita and the absence of it have a significance
which must be clearly understood. The absence of Prayaschita does
not mean that anyone may commit the offence with impunity. On the
contrary it means that the offence is of an immeasurable magnitude
and the offender once expelled is beyond reclamation. There is no reentry for him in the caste from which he is expelled. The existence of a
Prayaschita means that the offence is compoundable. The offender can
take the prescribed Prayaschita and obtain admission in the caste from
which he is expelled.
There are two offences for which there is no penance. These are (1)
change from Hindu Religion to another religion (2) Marriage with a
person of another caste or another religion. It is obvious if a man loses
caste for these offences he loses it permanently.
Of the other offences the prayaschitas prescribed are of the severest
kind, are two—(1) interdining with a person of another caste or a nonHindu and (2) Taking to occupation which is not the occupation of the
caste. In the case of the other offences the penalty is a light one almost
nominal.
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The surest clue to find out what are the fundamental rules of caste and
what caste consists it is furnished by the rules regarding prayaschitas.
Those for the infringement of which there is no prayaschita constitute
the very soul of caste and those for the infringement of which the
prayaschita is of the severest kind make up the body of caste. It may
therefore be said without any hesitation that there are four fundamental
rules of caste. A caste may be defined as a social group having (a) belief
in Hindu Religion and bound by certain regulations as to (b) marriage
(c) food and (d) occupation. To this one more characteristic may be added
namely a social group having a common name by which it is recognized.
In the matter of marriage the regulation lays down that the caste
must be endogamous. There can be no intermarriage between members
of different castes. This is the first and the most fundamental idea on
which the whole fabric of the caste is built up.
In the matter of food the rule, is that a person cannot take food from
and dine with any person who does not belong to his caste. This means
that only those who can intermarry can also interdine. Those who cannot
intermarry cannot interdine. In other words, caste is an endogamous
unit and also a communal unit.
In the matter of occupation the regulation is that a person must follow
the occupation which is the traditional occupation of his caste and if the
caste has no occupation then he should follow the occupation of his father.
In the matter of status of a person it is fixed and is hereditary. It is
fixed because a person’s status is determined by the status of the caste
to which he belongs. It is hereditary because a Hindu is stamped with
the caste to which his parents belonged, a Hindu cannot change his
status because he cannot change his caste. A Hindu is bom in a caste
and he dies a member of the caste in which he is born. A Hindu may
lose his status if he loses caste. But he cannot acquire a new or a better
or different status.
What is the significance of a common name for a caste? The significance
of this will be clear if we ask two questions which are very relevant and a
correct answer to each is necessary for a complete idea of this institution
of caste. Social groups are either organized or unorganized. When the
membership of the group and the process of joining and leaving the groups,
are the subject of definite social regulations and involve certain duties and
privileges in relation to other members of the group then the group is an
organized group. A group is a voluntary group in which members enter with
a full knowledge of what they are doing and the aims which the association
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is designed to fulfil. On the other hand, there are groups of which an
individual person becomes a member without any act of volition, and
becomes subject to social regulation and traditions over which he has
no control of any kind.
Now it is hardly necessary to say that caste is a highly organized
social grouping. It is not a loose or a floating body. Similarly, it is not
necessary to say that caste is an involuntary grouping. A Hindu is born
in a caste and he dies as a member of that caste. There is no Hindu
without caste, cannot escape .caste and being bounded by caste from
birth to death he becomes subject to social regulations and traditions
of the caste over which he has no control.
The significance of a separate name for a caste lies in this—namely it
makes caste an organized and an involuntary grouping. A separate and
a distinctive name for a caste makes caste asking to a corporation with
a perpetual existence and a seal of separate entity. The significance of
separate names for separate castes has not been sufficiently realized by
writers on caste. In doing that they have lost sight of a most distinctive
feature of caste. Social groups there are and they are bound to be in
every society. Many social groups in many countries can be equated to
various castes in India and may be regarded as their equivalent. Potters,
Washermen, Intellectuals as social groups are everywhere. But in other
countries they have remained as unorganized and voluntary groups
while in India they have become organized and involuntary i.e, they
have become castes because in other countries the social groups were
not given name while in India they did. It is the name which the caste
bears which gives it fixity and continuity and individuality. It is the name
which defines who are its members and in most cases a person born in
a caste carries the name of the caste as a part of his surname. Again it
is the name which makes it easy for the caste to enforce its rules and
regulations. It makes it easy in two ways. In the first place, the name
of the caste forming a surname of the individual prevents the offender
in passing off as a person belonging to another caste and thus escape
the jurisdiction of the caste. Secondly, it helps to identify the offending
individual and the caste to whose jurisdiction he is subject so that he is
easily handed up and punished for any breach of the caste rules.
This is what caste means. Now as to the caste system. This involves
the study of the mutual relations between different castes. Looked at as
a collection of caste, the caste system presents several features which at
once strike the observer. In the first place there is no inter-connection
between the various castes which form a system. Each caste is separate
and distinct. It is independent and sovereign in the disposal of its
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internal affairs and the enforcement of caste regulations. The castes
touch but they do not interpenetrate. The second feature relates to the
order in which one caste stands in relation to the other castes in the
system. That order is vertical and not horizontal.
Such is the caste and such is the caste system. Question is, is this
enough to know the Hindu social organization? For a static conception of
the Hindu social organization an idea of the caste and the caste system
is enough. One need not trouble to remember more than the facts that
the Hindus are divided into castes and that the castes form a system
in which all hang on a thread which runs through the system in such
a way that while encircling and separating one caste from another it
holds them all as though it was a string of tennis balls hanging one
above the other. Bm this will not be enough to understand caste as a
dynamic phenomenon. To follow the workings of caste in action it is
necessary to note one other feature of caste besides the caste system,
namely class-caste system.
The relationship between the ideas of caste and class has been a
matter of lively controversy. Some say that caste is analogous to class
and that there is no difference between the two. Others hold that the
idea of castes is fundamentally opposed to that of class. This is an
aspect of the subject of caste about which more will be said hereafter.
For the present it is necessary to emphasize one feature of the caste
system which has not been referred to hereinbefore. It is this. Although
caste is different from and opposed to the notion of class yet the castesystem—as distinguished from caste—recognizes a class system which
is somewhat different from the graded status referred to above. Just
as the Hindus are divided into so many castes, castes are divided into
different classes of castes. The Hindu is caste-conscious. He is also class
conscious. Whether he is caste conscious or class conscious depends upon
the caste with which he comes in conflict. If the caste with which he
comes in conflict is a caste within the class to which he belongs he is
caste conscious. If the caste is outside the class to which he belongs he
is class conscious. Anyone who needs any evidence on this point may
study the Non-Brahmin Movement in the Madras and the Bombay
Presidency. Such a study will leave no doubt that to a Hindu caste
periphery is as real as class periphery and caste consciousness is as
real as class consciousness.
Caste, it is said, is an evolution of the Varna system. I will show
later on that this is nonsense. Caste is a perversion of Varna. At
any rate it is an evolution in the opposite direction. But while caste
has completely perverted the Varna system it has borrowed the class
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system from the Varna system. Indeed the Class-caste system follows
closely the class clevages of the Varna system.
Looking at the caste system from this point of view one comes across
several lives of class clevage which run through this pyramid of castes
dividing the pyramid into blocks of castes. The first line of clevage
follows the line of division noticeable in the ancient Chaturvarna
system. The old system of Chaturvarna made a distinction between
the first three Varnas, the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and the
fourth Varna namely the Shudra. The three former were classes as the
Regenerate classes. The Shudra was held as the Unregenerate class.
This distinction was based upon the fact that the former were entitled to
wear the sacred thread and study the Vedas. The Shudra was entitled
to neither and that is why he was regarded as the unregenerate class.
This line of clevage is still in existence and forms the basis of the
present day class division separating the castes which have grown out
of the vast class of Shudras from those which have grown out of the
three classes of Brahmins, the Kshatriyas and Vaishyas. This line of
class clevage is the one which is expressed by the terms High Castes
and Low Castes and which are short forms for the High Class Castes
and Low Class Castes.
Next after this line of clevage there runs through the pyramid a
second line of class clevage. It runs just below the Low Class Castes.
It sets above all the castes born out of the four Varnas i.e., the High
Castes as well as the low castes above the remaining castes which 1 will
merely describe as the ‘rest’. This line of class clevage is again a real
one and follows the well-defined distinction which was a fundamental
principle of the Chaturvarna system. The Chaturvarna system as is
pointed out made a distinction between the four Varnas putting the
three Varnas above the fourth. But it also made an equally clear
distinction between those within the Chaturvarna and those outside
the Chaturvarna. It had a terminology to express this distinction.
Those within the Chaturvarna—high or low, Brahmin or Shudra were
called Savarna i.e., those with the stamp of the Varna. Those outside
the Chaturvarna were called Avarna i.e., those without the stamp of
Varna. All the castes which have evolved out of the four varnas are
called Savarna Hindus—which is rendered English by the term Caste
Hindus—The ‘rest’ are the A varnas who in present parlance spoken
of by Europeans as Non-caste Hindus i.e., those who are outside the
four original castes or varnas.
Much that is written about the caste system has reference mostly
to the caste-system among the Savarna Hindus. Very little is known
about the Avarna Hindus. Who are these Avarna Hindus, what is their