Vol. 5 · pages 306–310
Essays on Untouchables and Untouchability
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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On reading this account one is reminded of the Irish Sein Fein
Delegates who in 1921, just 10 years before, had gone to London at
the invitation of Mr. Lloyd George for the settlement of the Irish Home
Rule question. As is well known the Irish Delegates secured from the
British Cabinet a treaty which was signed on the 8th December 1921.
The Treaty was subsequently submitted for approval to the Dail, the
Parliament of the Sein Fein Party which met from 14th December 1921
to 7th January 1922. On the 7th January a division was taken. There
were 64 votes for ratifying the treaty and 57 against. And what was the
reception given to the Irish delegates who secured this treaty? Arthur
Griffith — who was the head of the Irish Delegation and Michael Collins
who was his most prominent colleague, were both of them shot by the
anti-treaty Sein Feiners, the former on the 12th and the latter on the
22nd August 1922. The reason for sending them to such cruel death
was that the treaty which they signed did not secure the inclusion of
Ulster and a republic for Ireland. It is true the treaty did not grant this.
But if it is remembered that negotiations were opened on the express
understanding on the part of both sides that these two questions were
outside the scope of negotiations it will be granted that if the treaty
did not include these it was no fault of the Irish Delegates. The fury
and ferocity of the anti treaty Sein Feiners against the Irish Delegates
had no moral foundation and the fate that befell Arthur Griffith and
Michael Collins can by no stretch of imagination be said to be one which
they deserved.
Be that as it may, this welcome to Mr. Gandhi will be regarded as
a very strange event. Both went to win Swaraj, Griffith and Collins
for Ireland, Gandhi for India, Griffith and Collins succeeded, almost
triumphed; Gandhi failed and returned with nothing but defeat and
humiliation. Yet Collins and Griffith were shot and Gandhi was given a
reception which kings could have envied !! What a glaring and a cruel
contrast between the fate that awaited Collins and Griffith and the
reception arranged for Gandhi? Are the Indian Patriots different from
the Irish Patriots? Did the masses render this welcome out of blind
devotion or were they kept in darkness of the failure of Mr. Gandhi by
a mercenary Press? This is more than I can answer. 1
II
While this great welcome was being accorded to Mr. Gandhi
the Untouchables of Bombay had come to the Pier to repudiate
1 The official historian of the Congress perhaps realizing that this welcome to
Mr. Gandhi on the ground of his political achievement says—(Sitaramayya’s statement
not given in the Ms. —Ed.).
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Mr. Gandhi. Referring to this demonstration, the newspaper reports said:
“Just outside the gate of Ballard Pier, the scene was most exciting.
On one side were drawn up Depressed Class volunteers in uniform,
weaving black flags to the accompaniment of derisive shouts against
Mr. Gandhi and laudatory cries in praise of their leader, while on
the other side Congress followers kept up a din of counter shouts.”
This Untouchable demonstration included men and women. The
demonstrators numbered thousands, all waving Black Flags as a mark of
repudiation of Mr. Gandhi. They were a determined crowd and, despite
intimidation by the superior forces of the Congress assembled there
to welcome Mr. Gandhi, were bent on showing that they repudiated
Mr. Gandhi. This led to a clash and blood was split. There were forty
casualties on each side.
For the first time Mr. Gandhi was made aware that there could
be black flags even against him. This must have come to him as a
shock. When he was asked about it later in the day, he said he was
not angry, the Untouchables being the flesh of his flesh and bone of
his bone. This is of course the Mahatmaic way of concealing the truth.
One would not mind this convenient and conventional lie if there were
behind it a realization that the crowd could not always be trusted to
be loyal to its hero. Congressmen in India sadly lack the realism of a
man like Cromwell. It is related that when Cromwell returned after
a great battle, an enormous crowd came out to greet him. A friend
sought to impress upon him the immensity of the crowd. But Cromwell
dismissed the subject with the leconic remark,: “Oh yes, I know many
more will come to see me hanged.”!! No Congress leader feels the realism
of Cromwell. Either he believes that the day will never come when he
will be hanged or he believes that the Indian crowd will never become
a thinking crowd. That part of the Indian crowd does think was shown
by the representatives of the Untouchables who assembled on the 28th
to greet Mr. Gandhi with black flags.
Why did the Untouchables repudiate Mr. Gandhi ? The answer to
this question will be found in a statement issued by the organizers of
these demonstrations which was printed and circulated on that day. The
following are extracts from it.
“Our Charge sheet against Gandhiji and Congress”
“Enough of patronising attitude and lip sympathy. We ask
for justice and fair play.”
1. In spite of the fact that the removal of untouchability has
been included in the constructive programme of the Congress,
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practically nothing has so far been done by that body to achieve that
object, and in our fights against untouchability at Mahad and Nasik
most of the local Congress leaders have been our bitter opponents.
2. The attitude of Gandhiji at the Round Table Conference in London
with regard to the demands of the Depressed Classes as put forward
by their accredited and trusted leader Dr. Ambedkar, was most
unreasonable, obstinate and inexplicable.
3. Gandhiji was prepared to concede on behalf of the Congress the
special claims of the Mohamedans and the Sikhs including their
demand for separate representation on “historic grounds”, but he
was not willing even to concede reserved seats in general electorates
to the Depressed Classes, although he knew, or should have known,
what sort of treatment they would get, should they be thrown upon
at the mercy on caste Hindus.
** * **
9. Gandhiji has said in opposing the claims of the Depressed Classes for
separate representation that he does not want the Hindu Community to be
subjected to vivisection or dissection. But the Congress is now dissecting
the community of Untouchables by playing one section against another.
Gandhiji and the Congress are not playing the fair game. Open enemies
are far better than treacherous friends.
10. Attempts are being made to show that Gandhiji and the Congress
alone represent the Depressed Classes by presenting addresses through a
handful of hirelings and dupes. Is it not our duty to demonstrate the fact
by coming out in thousands and proclaiming the truth? This is our charge
sheet against Gandhiji and the Congress.
Let those who are not blind hero worshippers and blind partisans judge
and give their verdict.
General Secretary,
Depressed Classes Institute.
III
Is this charge sheet true? Mr. Gandhi is known to the world not
merely as the Political leader of India, but also as the Champion of the
Untouchables. It is perhaps true that the outside world takes more interest
in Mr. Gandhi because he is the champion of the Untouchables than because
he is a political leader. For instance the Manchester Guardian very recently
devoted an editorial to the work of Mr. Gandhi for the Untouchables.
In the face of this, the charge appears to be quite unfounded.
For, has not Mr. Gandhi made the Congress pledge itself to remove
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untouchability ? The Congress before it came into the hands of
Mr. Gandhi had refused to allow any social problem to be placed before
it for consideration. A clear cut distinction was made between political
and social question, and scrupulous attempt was made to confine the
deliberations and activities of the Congress to purely political questions.
The old Congress refused to take notice of the Untouchables. It was
with great difficulty that the Congress in 1917* for the first time
allowed the question of the Untouchables to be placed before it and
condescended to pass the following resolution:
“The Congress urges upon the people of India the necessity,
justice and righteousness of removing all disabilities imposed by
custom upon the Depressed Classes, the disabilities being of a
most vexatious and oppresssive character, subjecting those classes
to considerable hardship and inconvenience.” 1
The Congress fell onto the hands of Mr. Gandhi in 1920 and the
Congress at its ordinary session held at Nagpur passed the following
resolution :
INTERCOMMUNAL UNITY
“Finally, in order that the Khilafat and the Punjab wrongs
may be redressed and Swarajya established within one year, this
Congress urges upon all public bodies, whether affiliated to the
Congress or otherwise, to devote their exclusive attention to the
promotion of non-violence and non-cooperation with the Government
and, inasmuch as the movement of non-cooperation can only
succeed by complete co-operation amongst the people themselves,
this Congress calls upon public associations to advance HinduMuslim unity and the Hindu delegates of this Congress call upon
the leading Hindus to settle all disputes between Brahmins and
Non-Brahmins, wherever they may be existing, and to make a
special effort to rid Hinduism of the reproach of untouchability,
and respectfully urges the religious heads to help the growing
desire to reform Hinduism in the matter of its treatment of the
suppressed classes.”
Again did not Mr. Gandhi make the removal of untouchability
a condition precedent for achieving Swaraj ? In the Young India of
December 29, 1920, Mr. Gandhi wrote:
“Non-cooperation against the Government means cooperation
among the governed, and if Hindus do not remove the sin of
* Year not mentioned in the Ms.—Ed.
1 This quotation has been reproduced from page I of ‘ What Congress and Gandhi have
done to the Untouchables’ by the author. This was not typed in the MS of this essay.—Ed.
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untouchability, there will be no Swaraj in one year or one hundred
years....”
Writing again on the conditions of Swaraj in the issue of Young India
for February 23, 1921, he said:
“Swaraj is easy of attainment before October next if certain
simple conditions can be fulfilled. 1 ventured to mention one
year in September last because 1 knew that the conditions were
incredibly simple and 1 felt that the atmosphere in the country
was responsive. The past five months experience has confirmed me
in the opinion. I am convinced that the country has never been so
ready for establishing Swaraj as now.”
“But what is necessary for us as accurately as possible to know
the conditions. One supreme indispensible condition is the continuance
of non-violence.”
“The next condition is……… establishing a Congress Agency in
every village.”
“There are certain things that are applicable to all. The potent
thing is Swadeshi. Every home must have the spinning wheel and
every village can organize.... and become self supporting.”
“Every man and woman can give some money—be it even a
pice—to the Tilak Swaraja Fund. And we need have no anxiety
about financing the movement………”
“We can do nothing without Hindu-Moslem unity and without
killing the snake of untouchability………”
“Have we honest, earnest, industrious, patriotic workers for this
very simple programme ? If we have, Swaraj will be established in
India before next October.”
What more did the Untouchables want? Here is Mr. Gandhi who had
held himself out as the friend of the Untouchables. He prides himself
on being their servant. He claims and fought for being accepted as
their representative. Why should the Untouchables show such a lack of
confidence in Mr. Gandhi ?
On the basis of words, the charge perhaps appears unfounded. But
does it appear equally unfounded if we have regard to deeds? Let me
examine Mr. Gandhi’s deeds.
The work which is claimed by Mr. Gandhi and his friends to have
been done by him and the Congress for the Untouchables falls into two
periods, the period which precedes the Poona Pact and the period which
follows the Poona Pact. The first period may be called the period of the
Bardoli Programme. The second period may be called the period of the
Harijan Sevak Sangh.