Vol. 6 · pages 561–565
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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546 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
and other public works, as though the spending of rupees
by itself producedd an effect different to what would have
been produced had they been spent by the public. Similarly
irresponsible conduct marked the sale of reverse councils in
1920. To meet these reverse councils the Secretary of State
took the gold from the paper-currency reserve. But instead of
cancelling notes to the extent of the gold that was taken out
of the reserve, the Government took powers under an Act XXI
of 1920 to fill the gap by manufacturing securities ad hoc, so
that although there was redemption there was no retirement,
and so much gold was merely wasted, for it produced no
effect on prices or the exchange. This Act, passed in March,
1920, was of temporary duration, and would have obliged the
Government to retire the currency by October, 1920, when it
was to expire. Rather than do this the Government altered
the paper-currency law, not temporarily but permanently (Act
XLV of 1920), changing the provisions in such a manner as to
require the Government to cancel the currency to the smallest
degree possible by retiring their “created securities.” Even this
was not done, owing to deficits in the Government Budget.
But even if such indiscretions were not repeated the fact
remains that Government cannot effect a greater retirement
than is permitted by the gold-standard reserve. If that reserve
fails Government has only two resources left: (1) to melt down
the rupees and sell them as bullion for gold and to go on
further contracting the currency, in this way till its value is
restored : or (2) to borrow gold. Both these are evidently costly
methods. To sell rupees as bullion is bound to result in loss
unless the bullion in the rupee fetched more at the time of sale
than what it cost when it was purchased for manufacturing it
into bullion. The second process, that of borrowing, cannot be
lightly resorted to for the purpose of creating a reserve fund
to retire the currency. Indeed, so costly are such methods,
and so complete would be the proof they would afford of the
instability of the exchange standard if they were resorted to,
that Government has never contemplated them as possible lines
of defence in an exchange crisis. It seems certain, however, that
Government does recognise that the gold-standard reserve by
itself cannot suffice for the imaintenance of exchange. For we
find that from the year 1907-8 dates a complete change in the
distribution of Government balances between London and India.
Up to that period it was the policy of the Secretary of State to
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STABILITY OF THE EXCHANGE STANDARD
draw only as much as necessary to finance his Home Treasury.
After that date the practice was originated of drawing as
much as the Government of India could provide, and as the
Government of India has been supreme in financial matters it
provided large sums for council drawings by increased taxation
and budgeting for surpluses. The effect of this was to swell the
cash balances of the Secretary of State.* No official explanation
of a satisfactory character has ever been given for this novel
way of financing the Home Treasury† but we shall not be
very) far wrong if we say that the object in accumulating these
balances is to provide a second gold reserve to supplement the
true gold-standard reserve. Whatever strength the Government
may derive for the time being from this adventitious resource, it
is obvious that it cannot be permanent. Under a more popular
control of Government finances the cash balances will have to
be kept down to a minimum necessary to work the Treasury,
and the gold-standard reserve will be the only reserve on
which the Government will have to depend.
The gold-standard reserve is to the rupee what the papercurrency reserve is to the notes. The purport of both is to prevent
the respective currencies they support from falling or going
to discount. But the treatment accorded by the Government
to the rupee and the paper in respect of reserve shows a
remarkable degree of contrast. In the case of the paper, as has
been previously noted, the reserve is a statutory reserve, and
even when the whole basis of Indian paper currency has been
changed the provisions as to reserve are none the less strict and
cannot be disregarded by the Government without infringing the
law. Now, the rupee is nothing but a note printed on silver.‡
As such, the provisions as to reserve should be analogous to
those governing the paper currency. Strange as it may seem,
any regulation is conspicuous by its absence in regard to the
gold-standard reserve.§ Not only is it not obligatory on the
* For figures, see Chap. VII.
† Cf. Memorandum on India Office Balances, Cd. 6619 of 1913.
‡ “We have virtually relegated our rupee currency to the position of a token
currency, and we are now practically in the position of bankers who have issued a
certain amount of fiduciary currency (whether paper or metal is immaterial), and
to maintain the value of this fiduciary currency we are bound to be in a position
to exchange it for gold when presented to meet legitimate trade requirements,”
said the Financial Statement for 1903-4, p. 14.
§The Chamberlain Commission said: “There are disadvantages in restricting the
freedom of the Government in a crisis, and it is undersirable that the disposition
and amount of the reserve should be stereotyped...... We therefore do not regard
that the gold-standard reserve should be regulated by statute.”—Report, Sec. 101.
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548 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Government to redeem the rupee, but it does not seem that
the Government is even bound to maintain the reserve. And
that it has maintained such a reserve is no guarantee that it
will replace it supposing that the reserve was dissipated.* Such
differences apart, is the gold-standard reserve an adequate
reserve ? Figures of the magnitude of the gold-standard reserve,
as usually given in official publications, are a meaningless array.
What is the use of displaying assets without at the same time
exhibiting the liabilities ? To be able to judge of the adequacy
of that reserve we must know what is the total circulation
of rupees. When, however, we compare the circulation of the
rupees with the reserve, the proportion between the two is not
sufficiently large so as to inspire confidence in the stability of
the system (see Table XLIX).
How can a reserve so small as this carry through the process
of retirement to any sufficient extent ? That it will not always
do it the crisis of 1920 gives abundant proof. But the supporters
of the exchange standard maintain that the smallness of the
reserve is a matter of no consequence, for the reserve is kept
only for the purpose of foreign remittances. That being the case,
it is said the reserve need not be large. Granting that it is so,
what must govern the magnitude of the reserve in order that it
may prove adequate in any and every case ? The only attempt
made to enunciate a rule of guidance is that by Prof. Keynes.
That rule he finds† in the possible variations in the balance of
trade of India.. Now, does this make the problem of regulating
the reserve more definite ? As has been explained previously,
the adverse balance of trade would be due to the depreciation of
the currency, so that Mr. Keynes’s statement amounts to this,
that the reserve should vary with the depth of the depreciation.
But how is a Government to do this ? Only by adverting to the
movement of the price level. But in all its currency management
the Government of India never pays any attention to the price
* In the course of his speech on the Indian Paper Currency (Temporary
Amendment) Bill, dated March 17, 1920, the Finance Minister observed :”......
from a practical point of view, it is desirable to leave the gold-standard reserve
until the paper-currency reserve has been re-transferred, in case... the Secretary
of State finds it impossible to keep himself in funds by Councils for his heavy
home liabilities. He will then be able to use the gold-standard reserve, and we
can credit the gold-standard reserve out here. There is a third point, and I think
a conclusive one. When you operate against the paper-currency reserve you have
to operate within the paper-currency reserve ; when you operate against the
gold-standard reserve it disappears ; it melts, and we are under no obligation
to replace it; whereas we are under a statutory obligation to replace the papercurrency reserve.”—S.LC.P. Vol. LVIII, p. 1416.
† Op. cit., pp. 166-7.
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STABILITY OF THE EXCHANGE STANDARD
TABLE XLIX
DISTRIBUTION OF THE GOLD-STANDARD RESERVE AND ITS PROPORTION TO RUPEE CIRCULATION (IN THOUSANDS OF
POUNDS STERLING)
March
31 in
each
Year.
In England. In India
Total
Reserve,
England
and
India.
Volume
of Rs. in
Circulation in
Crores.
Percentage of
Reserve
to Ra. in
Circulation
(£ = Rs. 15)*
Purchase
Value of
Sterling
Securities.
Cash at
Short
Notice.
Temporary Loan
to the
Home
Treasury.
Gold deposited
at the
Bank of
England.
Total.
Coined
Rupees
in
India.
Outstanding
Debt
Treasury
balances.
Temporary Loan
to
Treasury
Balances.
Gold. Total.
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14)
1901 — — — — — — 1,831 — 1,200 3,031 3,031 143 3.1
02 3,454 — — — 3,454 — — — — — 3,454 138 3.7
03 3,810 — — — 3,810 — 1 — — 1 3,811 136 3.4
04 6,377 — — — 6,377 — 167 — — 167 6,544 144 6.8
05 8,377 — — — 8,377 — 152 — — 152 8,529 152 8.4
06 12,165 — — — 12,165 — 287 — — 287 12,452 164 10.7
07 12,519 — — — 12,519 4,000 301 — 22 4,323 16,842 178 10.6
08 13,187 — 1,131 — 14,318 4,000 — — — 4,000 18,318 191 11.2
09 7,414 — 470 — 7,884 10,587 — — — 10,587 18,471 187 7.1
10 13,219 3,011 — — 16,230 2,534 — — — 2,534 18,764 186 13.8
11 15,849 1,477 — — 17,326 1,934 — — — 1,934 19,260 184 14.8
12 16,748 1,074 — — 17,822 1,934 — — — 1,934 19,956 182 14.9
13 15,946 1,006 — 1,620 18,572 4,000 35 — — 4,035 22,607 191 14.8
14 17,165 25 — 4,320 21,510 4,000 22 — — 4,022 25,532 187 17.2
15 12,149 8 — 1,250 13,407 — 70 7,000 5,238 13,308 25,715 204 18.9
16 16,219 5,792 — — 22,011 — 1 4,000 239 4,240 26,251 212 15.7
17 25,406 6,001 — — 31,407 — — — 103 103 31,510 227 20.8
18 28,453 6,000 — — 34,453 — — — — — 34,453 219 23.5
19 29,729 6,016 — — 35,745 — — — — — 35,745 228 23.5
* In striking the proportion the rupee portion of the reserve has been omitted.
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550 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
problem. Indeed, as was pointed out above, its conception
of the underlying causes of the fall of exchange is totally at
variance with the only true conception, nothing but a firm
grasp of which can enable it to avert a crisis. Being ignorant
of the true conception it blindly goes on issuing currency until
there occurs what is called an adverse balance of trade. All it
aims at is to maintain a gold reserve, and so long as it has
that reserve it does not stop to think how much currency it
issues. The proportion of the issues and the reserve not being
correlated the stability of the exchange standard, in so far as
it depends upon the reserve, must always remain in the region
of vagueness, far too problematical to inspire confidence of the
system. Nay, the liability of redemption for foreign remittances,
small as it appears, may become so indefinite as entirely to
jeopardize the restoration of stability to the exchange standard.
But is a gold reserve such an important thing for the
maintenance of the value of a currency ? All supporters of
the exchange standard must be said to be believers in that
theory. But the view cannot stand a moment’s criticism. To
look upon a gold reserve as an efficient cause why all kinds
of money remain at par with gold is a gross fallacy.* To take
such a view is to invert the casual order. It is not the gold
reserve which maintains the value of the circulating medium,
but it is the limitation on its volume which not only suffices
to maintain its own value, but also makes possible the
accumulation and retention of whatever gold reserve there is in
the country. Remove the limit on the volume of currency, and
not only will it fail to maintain its value, but will prevent the
accumulation of any gold reserve whatever. So little indeed is
the importance of a gold reserve to the cause of the preservation
of the value of currency that provided there is a rigid limit
on its issue the gold reserve may be entirely done away with
without impairing in the least the value of the currency. The
Chamberlain Commission recommended that the Government of
India should accumulate a reserve to maintain the value of the
rupee because it was by means of their reserves that European
banks maintained the value of their currencies. Nothing can be
a greater perversion of the truth. What the European banks did
* Cf. in this connection the brilliant paper by F. A. Fetter, “The Gold Reserve:
its Function and its Maintenance,” in the Political Science Quarterly, 1896, Vol.
XI, No. 2.