Vol. 6 · pages 556–560
The Evolution of Provincial Finance in British India; The Problem of the Rupee; other economic writings
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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STABILITY OF THE EXCHANGE STANDARD
Not only did the Government sell reverse councils on a large
scale, but it also sold gold for rupees for internal circulation
a thing which it seldom did before.
III. R EDEMPTION IN 1920
TABLE XLVIII
SALE OF GOLD
No.
of
Sale
Date of Sale
Minimum
Rate of
accepted
Tenders
Average
Rate
of accepted
Tenders
Quantity
sold
(in Tolas)
Price of
Country
Bar Gold
in
the
Bombay
Bazaar
Rs. A. p. Rs. A. P. Rs. A. P.
1 1919. September 3 25 8 0 26 12 1 3,29,130 28 10 0
2 ” 17 24 8 0 24 10 0 3,96,640 26 1 0
3 October 6 25 8 0 25 9 8 3,26,000 27 0 0
4 ” 20 26 15 3 27 0 2 3,34,000 28 0 0
5 November 3 27 14 6 27 15 6 3,25,000 28 5 0
6 ” 17 26 15 0 27 0 11 5,18,500 28 2 0
7 December 8 26 0 6 26 4 6 10,00,650 27 10 0
8 1920. January 5 26 4 3 26 7 9 7,63,300 27 3 0
g ” 19 26 13 3 26 14 7 8,00,000 27 5 0
10 February 5 25 2 3 25 9 7 7,56,450 25 6 0
11 ” 19 16 2 3 21 9 1 9,60,590 23 4 0
12 March 3 18 8 0 18 12 4 12,96,125 21 7 0
13 ” 17 21 6 0 21 7 7 12,53,325 22 13 0
14 April 7 22 7 3 22 9 4 12,46,200 24 0 0
15 ” 21 23 7 4 23 8 6 10,68,175 24 4 0
16 May 5 20 13 3 21 3 2 11,96,750 21 8 0
17 ” 19 21 0 3 21 1 7 12,46,050 21 12 0
18 June 9 21 8 9 21 9 8 11,32,350 22 2 6
19 ” 23 20 14 10 21 0 5 12,25,250 21 8 0
20 July 7 21 1 4 22 2 2 12,81,500 21 6 0
21 ” 21 22 0 1 22 0 11 12,42,000 22 5 0
22 August 4 22 5 6 22 6 3 12,78,950 22 7 0
23 ” 19 23 9 4 23 10 2 5,54,500 23 7 0
24 September 1 22 8 3 22 10 8 8,27,700 23 1 6
25 ” 14 23 9 4 23 12 11 2,30,500 23 8 0
Total 2,15,89,635
During 1920 no council bills were drawn by the Secretary
of State on the Government of India.
PDF page 557 (printed page 542)
542 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
The success of this mechanism on the two previous occasions
had strengthened the belief that it had the virtue of restoring
the value of the rupee. But the failure of this mechanism in
the crisis of 1920 compels one to adopt an attitude of reserve
towards its general efficacy. It cannot be said that exchange
gave way because this mechanism was not brought into
operation. On the other hand, the view of the Government
regarding the sale of reverse councils in 1920 had undergone a
profound modification as compared with the view it held during
the crisis of 1907-8. In that crisis the Government behaved
like a miser, sitting tight on its gold reserve and refusing to
use it for the very purpose which it was designed to serve.
An Accountant-General had “to go on his knees” to persuade
the Government of India to, release its gold.* It was probably
because it was rebuked by the Chamberlain Commission for
failing to make use of its gold reserve in 1907 that in the crisis
of 1920 the policy of selling reverse councils was so boldly
conceived. There was a great deal of ignorant criticism of that
policy from the general public that it was an “organized loot.”
But the Finance Minister was undaunted, and argued†:—
“It is an essential feature of our exchange policy... that
we should not only provide for remittances from London
to India through council bills at approximately gold point,
but from India to London in time of exchange weakness
also at gold point, through the sale of sterling remittance
known as reverse councils. It is simply an alternative to
the export of gold. This is no new matter—we have been
selling reverse councils for years...... and unless we do
so the exchange policy does not become effective...... This
is the reason, and the only reason, why we have sold
reverse councils...... It is an effort in fact to maintain
exchange as near as posssible to the gold point.... What
would be the consequence if we yielded to the pressure
placed on us and ceased to sell reverse councils at all ?
I can understand a demand that reverse councils should
be sold by some different method, or at rates different
from those at present in force, but I must confess that
I cannot understand the demand that the facilities
* Evidence of Mr. F. C Harrison before the Chamberlain Commission, Q. 10,209.
† Speech on the resolution re “Reverse Councils,” March 10, 1920. S.L.C.P.
Vol. LVIII p. 1291.
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STABILITY OF THE EXCHANGE STANDARD
for the exchange of rupees into external currency should
be entirely withdrawn. I see that in Bombay it is urged
that we should let exchange find its ‘natural level.’ That
is a catchword which does not impress me. Used in the
sense in which that phrase has been recently used,
there is no such thing as a ‘natural level’ in exchange,
for, when one translates the internal currency into
another currency, there must be some sort of common
denominator to which both currencies can be brought;
it may be gold, it may be silver, it may be sterling or
it may be Spanish pesetas, which we take as our basis.
The rupee must be linked on to something* and if it is
so linked, then it must be at some definite rate, and
this necessarily involves that we must sometimes be
prepared to sell reverse councils in order to maintain
that rate. If reverse councils be withdrawn entirely,
then we should have neither a gold standard, nor a
gold-exchange standard, nor any kind of standard at all.”
But that only raises the question: If the sale of reverse
councils is efficacious in righting the exchange, why was
its effect such a disastrous failure ? The Finance Minister
answered the point tersely and cogently when he said :—
“If we have failed in narrowing the gap between
the market price and the theoretical gold part of the
rupee...... it is not because we have sold too many
reverse councils ; it is because we have sold too few.
I put it to any member of the commercial community
here, and I put it without fear of contradiction, that if
our resources had enabled us...... to sell straight away
20, 30, or 40 millions of reverse councils, we should
probably have had no gap between the market price of
the rupee and the theoretical gold price of the rupee at
all. One of our difficulties has been, hot that we have
sold too many reverse councils, but that we have been
obliged to sell too few.Ӡ
* By Ordinance III of June 21,1920, the gold coins referred to in Section 11 of
the Indian Coinage Act (III of 1906) ceased to be legal tender in payment or on
account, but provision was made for their acceptance by Government at the ratio
of Rs. 15 during a moratorium of twenty-one days. This Ordinance continued till
September 9, 1920, when by Act XXXVI of 1920 the sovereign was again made
legal tender. During this period gold had no legal status in India.
† Ibid., p. 1301.
PDF page 559 (printed page 544)
544 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
There would have been some force in this argument if the
smount of reverse bills sold were “too few.” Not 20, 30, or 40
millions, but 55½ millions of reverse councils were sold, besides
the large issue of gold internally, and the complete stoppage
of council bills, and yet the rupee did not rise above 1s. 4d.
sterling, let alone reaching 2s. gold. Why did not the sale of
reverse councils suffice to rectify the exchange ? This leads us to
examine the whole question of the efficacy of this redemption.
It is necessary to premise at the outset that redemption
may result in mere substitution of one form of currency by
another, or it may result in the retirement of currency. In so
far as it results in substitution it is of no consequence at all,
for substitution of currency is not a shrinkage of currency.* To
the restoration of the value of a currency what is essential is
its shrinkage, i.e. its retirement, cancellation. The important
question with regard to this mechanism is not to what extent
the currency can be redeemed, but to what extent it can be
retired. In the prevalent view of this question it seems to be
accepted without question that this extent is determined by the
magnitude of the gold resources of the Government of India
and the Secretary of State. Let us first make it clear how these
gold resources are located and distributed. It will be recalled
that these gold resources are distributed between (1) the papercurrency reserve, (2) the gold-standard reserve, and (3) the
cash balances of the Secretary of State. It has been the habit
to speak of these resources as being three “lines of defence” on
which the Government can safely rely when an exchange crisis
takes place. But are they ? They can be, for the purposes of
retirement, only if they were all “free” resources; in other words,
if they were not appropriated resources. To what extent are
they unappropriated ? Can the Secretary of State take gold from
the paper-currency reserve ? He can, but then he must replace
it by something else, or must cancel notes to that extent. Can
the Secretary of State take gold out of his cash balances ? He
can, but then he must either borrow to fill his Treasury or draw
upon the Government of India if there is anyone to buy his bills,
which is tantamount to issuing rupee currency. The gold in the
paper-currency reserve and that in the cash balances is of no
use at all, for it does not permit of the cancellation of the rupee
* The most notable example is that of Americal greenbacks. Under the law of
1875 they were by 1879 retired in sufficient numbers to restore parity with gold.
But by a counter-law of 1878, 347,000,000 of them have been kept in circulation.
As soon as redeemed, they must be reissued ; they cannot be retired.
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STABILITY OF THE EXCHANGE STANDARD
currency, which is what is wanted in restoring its value when
it suffers a fall. It is therefore sheer nonsense to speak of
the effectiveness of redemption as being commensurate with
the gold resources of the Secretary of State. The matter is
important, and an illustration may not be out of place. Suppose
A, a holder of rupees, wants to get gold for them. He can go
to three counters; (1) that of the controller in charge of cash
balances ; (2) that of the controller of currency in charge of
the paper-currency reserve ; or (3) that of the custodian of the
gold-standard reserve. If A goes to the first, what is the result ?
The cash balance is pro tanto reduced. On the assumption
that the cash balance is at its minimum, as it should be, the
controller must reimburse himself immediately to maintain
his solvency by drawing a bill on India and thereby releasing
rupees received for gold again in circulation, so that in this case
there is no shrinkage of currency. If A goes to the controller
of currency, what happens ? The controller gives him gold,
but on the assumption that the paper-currency account is a
separate statutory account he must put the rupees received
from A in place of the gold issued from his reserve, so that
here again what happens is that the composition of the reserve
undergoes a change, but the total paper currency remains the
same. It must therefore be borne in mind that to the extent
the gold in the paper-currency reserve and the cash balances
are operated upon the result is not a retirement of currency.
To speak of them as “lines of defences,” as is so often done,
is to overlook the fact that these two are not free resources
but are appropriated resources.
What is, then, the resource left to the Government to retire
the rupee currency ? Only the gold-standard reserve. That is
the only reserve the amount of which is unappropriated for
any particular use. It is free cash, and only to that extent is it
possible for the Government to restore the rupee currency when
a fall in its gold value eventuates. Of course it is important to
bear in mind that this is the extent to which it can retire the
currency. Not that it will, for it may not, and there is no want of
cases in which it has not. Two instances will suffice. During the
first period of the Mint closure, 1893-98, it will be recalled how
a large number of rupees had accumulated in the hands of the
Government, and in the interest of raising the value of the rupee
they should have been locked away. Instead the Government of
India released that money in circulation in extending railways