Vol. 8 · pages 101–105
Pakistan or the Partition of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 101 (printed page 76)
76 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
These figures show that in l856, one year before the Mutiny,
the men from the North-West were a negligible factor in the
Indian Army. But in 1858, one year after the Mutiny, they
had acquired a dominant position which has never received
a setback.
It will thus be seen that the distinction between Martial
and Non-martial Classes, which was put forth for the first
time in 1879, as a matter of principle, which was later on
insisted upon as a matter of serious consideration by Lord
Roberts* and which was subsequently recognised by Lord
Kitchener as a principle governing recruitment to the Indian
Army, had nothing to do with the origin of this preponderance
of the men of the North-West in the Indian Army. No doubt,
the accident that the people from North-West India had the
good luck of being declared by the Government as belonging
to the Martial Class, while most of the classes coming from
the rest of India had the ill-luck of being declared Non-martial
Classes had important consequences. Being regularly employed
in the Army, the people of North-West India came to look
upon service in the Army as an occupation with a security
and a career which was denied to men from the rest of India.
The large number of recruits drawn from North-West India,
therefore, indicates nothing more than this—namely, owing to
the policy of the British Government, service in the Army has
become their occupation and if people in other parts of India
do not readily come forth to enlist in the Army, the reason is
that Government did not employ them in the Army. People
follow their ancestral occupations whether they like it or not.
When a people do not take to a new occupation it does not
necessarily mean that they are not fit for it. It only means
that it is not their ancestral occupation.
This division between Martial and Non-martial Classes is, of
course, a purely arbitrary and artificial distinction. It is as foolish
as the Hindu theory of caste, making birth instead of worth, the
basis for recognition. At one time, the Government insisted that
the distinction they had adopted was a real distinction and that
* In his Forty-One Years he wrote : “ Each cold season, I made long tours
in order to acquaint myself with the needs and capabilities of the men of the
Madras Army. I tried hard to discover in them those fighting qualities which had
distinguished their forefathers during the wars of the last and the beginning of
the present century... And I was forced to the conclusion that the ancient military
spirit had died in them, as it had died in the ordinary Hindustani of Bengal and
the Mahratta of Bombay, and that they could no longer with safety be pitted
against warlike races, or employed outside the limit of Southern India.”
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PAKISTAN : WEAKENING OF THE DEFENCES
in terms of fighting qualities, it meant so much fighting value.
In fact, this was their justification for recruiting more men
from the North-West of India. That this distinction has nothing
to do with any difference in fighting qualities has now been
admitted. Sir Phillip Chetwode,* late Commander-in-Chief of
India, broadcasting from London on the constitution of the
Indian Army, took pains to explain that the recruitment of
a larger proportion of it from the Punjab, did not mean that
the people of the Peninsula were without martial qualities. Sir
Phillip Chetwode explained that the reason why men of the
North were largely recruited for the Indian Army was chiefly
climatic, as the men from the South cannot stand the extremes
of heat and cold of North India. No race can be permanently
without martial spirit. Martial spirit is not a matter of native
instinct. It is a matter of training and anybody can be trained
to it.
But apart from this, there is enough fighting material
in Hindustan, besides what might be produced by special
training. There are the Sikhs, about whose fighting qualities
nothing need be said. There are the Rajputs who are even
now included in the category of Martial Classes. In addition
to these, there are the Mahrattas who proved their calibre as
a fighting race during the last European War. Even the people
of the Madras Presidency can be depended upon for military
purposes. Speaking of the Madrasis as soldiers, General Sir
Frederick P. Haines, at one time Commander-in-Chief in India,
observed :
“It has been customary to declare that the Madras
Army is composed of men physically inferior to those
of the Bengal Army, and if stature alone be taken into
consideration, this is true. It is also said that by the force
of circumstances the martial feeling and the characteristics
necessary to the real soldier are no longer to be found
in its ranks. I feel bound to reject the above assertions
and others which ascribe comparative inefficiency to
Madras troops. It is true that in recent years they
have seen but little service ; for, with the exception of
the sappers, they have been specially excluded from
all participation in work in the field. I cannot admit
for one moment that anything has occurred to disclose
the fact that the Madras Sepoy is inferior as a fighting
man. The facts of history warrant us in assuming the
contrary. In drill training and discipline, the Madras
*Indian Social Reformer, January 27th, 1940.
PDF page 103 (printed page 78)
78 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Sepoy is inferior to none; while in point of health, as
exhibited by returns, he compares favourably with his
neighbours. This has been manifested by the sappers and
their followers in the Khyber; and the sappers are of the
same race as the Sepoys.”
Hindustan need, therefore, have no apprehension regarding
the supply of an adequate fighting force from among its own
people. The separation of Pakistan cannot weaken her in that
respect.
The Simon Commission drew attention to three features
of the Indian Army, which struck them as being special and
peculiar to India. It pointed out that the duty of the Army in
India was two-fold; firstly, to prevent the independent tribes
on the Indian side of the Afghan frontier from raiding the
peaceful inhabitants of the plains below. Secondly, to protect
India against invasion by countries lying behind and beyond
this belt of unorganized territories. The Commission took note
of the fact that from 1850 to 1922, there were 72 expeditions
against the independent tribes, an average of one a year, and
also of the fact that in the countries behind and beyond this
belt of unorganized territory, lies the direction from which,
throughout the ages, the danger to India’s territorial integrity
has come. This quarter is occupied by “States which according
to the Commission are not members of the League of Nations”
and is, therefore, a greater danger to India now than before.
The Commission insisted on emphasizing that these two
facts constituted a peculiar feature of the problem of military
defence in India and so far as the urgency and extent of the
problem is concerned, they are “without parallel elsewhere in
the Empire, and constituted a difficulty in developing selfgovernment which never arose in any comparable degree in
the case of the self-governing Dominions”.
As a second unique feature of the Indian Army, the
Commission observed :
“The Army in India is not only provided and organized
to ensure against external dangers of a wholly exceptional
character: it is also distributed and habitually used
throughout India for the purpose of maintaining or
restoring internal peace. In all countries .... the military
is not normally employed in this way, and certainly is not
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PAKISTAN : WEAKENING OF THE DEFENCES
organized for this purpose. But the case of India is entirely
different. Troops are employed many times a year to prevent
internal disorder and, if necessary, to quell it. Police forces,
admirably organized as they are, cannot be expected in
all cases to cope with the sudden and violent outburst of
a mob driven frantic by religious frenzy. It is, therefore,
well understood in India both by the police and by the
military—and, what is even more to the point, by the public
at large—that the soldiers may have to be sent for... This
use of the Army for the purpose of maintaining or restoring
internal order was increasing rather than diminishing, and
that on these occasions the practically universal request was
for British troops. The proportion of the British to Indian
troops allotted to this duty has in fact risen in the last
quarter of a century. The reason, of course, is that the British
soldier is a neutral, and is under no suspicion of favouring
Hindus against Mahomedans or Mahomedans against Hindus
…… Inasmuch as the vast majority of the disturbances which
call for the intervention of the military have a communal or
religious complexion, it is natural and inevitable that the
intervention which is most likely to be authoritative should
be that which has no bias, real or suspected, to either side.
It is a striking fact in this connection that, while in regular
units of the Army in India as a whole British soldiers are
in a minority of about 1 to 2 1/2, in the troops allotted for
internal security the preponderance is reversed, and for
this purpose a majority of British troops is employed—-in
the troops ear-marked for internal security the proportion
is about eight British to seven Indian soldiers.”
Commenting upon this feature of the Indian Army the
Commission said :
“When, therefore, one contemplates a future for India
in which, in place of the existing Army organization, the
country is defended and pacified by exclusively Indian units,
just as Canada relies on Canadian troops and Ireland on
Irish troops, it is essential to realize and bear in mind the
dimensions and character of the Indian problem of internal
order and the part which the British soldier at present plays
(to the general satisfaction of the country-side) in supporting
peaceful government.”
The third unique feature of the Indian Army, which was
pointed out by the Simon Commission, is the preponderance
in it of the men from the North-West. The origin of this
preponderance and the reasons underlying the official
explanation given therefor have already been examined.
PDF page 105 (printed page 80)
80 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
But, there is one more special feature of the Indian Army
to which the Commission made no reference at all. The
commission either ignored it or was not aware of it. It is such
an important feature that it overshadows all the three features
to which the Commission refers, in its importance and in its
social and political consequences.
It is a feature which, if widely known, will set many people
to think furiously. It is sure to raise questions which may
prove insoluble and which may easily block the path of India’s
political progress—questions of far greater importance and
complexity than those relating to Indianization of the Army.
This neglected feature relates to the communal composition
of the Indian Army. Mr. Chaudhari has collected the relevant
data in his articles, already referred to, which throws a flood
of light on this aspect of the Indian Army. The following
table shows the proportion of soldiers serving in the Indian
Infantry, according to the area and the community from which
they are drawn :
Changes in the Communal Composition of
the Indian Army
Area and Communities Percentage
in 1914
Percentage
in 1918
Percentage
in 1919
Percentage
in 1930
I. The Punjab, N.-W. F. P.
and Kashmir 47 46.5 46 58.5
(1) Sikhs 19.2 17.4 15.4 13.58
(2) Punjabi Musalmans 11.1 11.3 12.4 22.6
(3) Pathans 6.2 5.42 4.54 6.35
II. Nepal, Kumaon, Garhwal 15 18.9 14.9 22.0
(1) Gurkhas 13.1 16.6 12.2 16.4
III. Upper India 22 22.7 25.5 11.0
(1) U. P. Rajputs 6.4 6.8 7.7 2.55
(2) Hindustani Musalmans 4.1 3.42 4.45 Nil
(3) Brahmins 1.8 1.86 2.5 Nil
IV. South India 16 11.9 12 5.5
(1) Mahrattas 4.9 3.85 3.7 5.33
(2) Madrasi Musalmans 3.5 2.71 2.13 Nil
(3) Tamils 2.5 2.0 1.67 Nil
V. Burma
(1) Burmans Nil Negligible 1.7 3.0