Vol. 8 · pages 296–300
Pakistan or the Partition of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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CHAPTER XII
NATIONAL FRUSTRATION
I
Suppose an Indian was asked, what is the highest destiny
you wish for your country, what would be his answer ? The
question is important, and the answer cannot but he instructive.
There can be no doubt that other things being equal, a
hundred per cent Indian, proud of his country, would say, “An
integral and independent India is my ideal of India’s destiny”.
It will be equally true to say that unless this destiny was
accepted by both Hindus as well as Muslims, the ideal can only
convey a pious wish, and can never take a concrete form. Is it
only a pious wish of some or is it a goal to be persued by all ?
So far as profession of political aims goes, all parties seem
to be in agreement inasmuch as all of them have declared
that the goal of India’s political evolution is independence.
The Congress was the first to announce that its aim was
to achieve political independence for India. In its Madras
session, held in December 1927, the creed of the Congress was
defined in a special resolution to the effect that the goal of
the Indian people* was complete national independence. The
Hindu Maha Sabha until 1932 was content to have Responsible
Government as the goal of India’s political evolution. It made
no change in its political creed till 1937 when in its session
held at Ahmedabad it declared that the Hindu Maha Sabha
believed in “Poorna Swaraj” i.e., absolute independence for
India. The Muslim League declared its political creed in 1912
to be the establishment of Responsible Government in India.
In 1937 it made a similar advance by changing its creed
* The creed of the Congress was not changed at Madras. It was changed at the
Lahore session of the Congress by a resolution passed on 31st December 1929. In
the Madras session only a resolution in favour of independence was passed. In the
Calcutta session of the Congress held in December 1928 both Mr. Gandhi and the
President of the Congress declared themselves willing to accept Dominion Status
if it was offered by the British Government by midnight of 31st December 1929.
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from Responsible Government to Independence and thereby
brought itself in line with the Congress and the Hindu Maha
Sabha.
The independence defined by the three political bodies means
freedom from British Imperialism. But an agreement on freedom
from the yoke of British Imperialism is not enough. There must
be an agreement upon maintaining an independent India. For
this, there must be an agreement that India shall not only be
free and independent of the British but that her freedom and
independence shall be maintained as against any other foreign
power. Indeed, the obligation to maintain her freedom is more
important than merely winning freedom from the British. But
on this more important obligation there does not seem to be
the same unanimity. At any rate, the attitude of the Muslims
on this point has not been very assuring. It is obvious from
the numerous utterances of Muslim leaders that they do not
accept the obligation to maintain India’s freedom. I give below
two such utterances.
In a meeting held in Lahore in 1925 Dr. Kitchlew said* :—
“The Congress was lifeless till the Khilafat Committee put
life in it. When the Khilafat Committee joined it, it did in
one year what the Hindu Congress had not done in 40 years.
The Congress also did the work of uplifting the seven crores
of untouchables. This was purely a work for the Hindus, and
yet the money of the Congress was spent on it. Mine and
my Musalman brethren’s money was spent on it like water.
But the brave Musalmans did not mind. Then why should
the Hindus quarrel with us when we Musalmans take up the
Tanzim work and spend on it money that belongs neither to
the Hindus nor to the Congress ?
“ If we remove British rule from this country and establish
Swaraj, and if the Afghans or other Muslims invade India,
then we Muslims will oppose them and sacrifice all our sons
in order to save the country from the invasion. But one thing
I shall declare plainly. Listen, my dear Hindu brothers,
listen very attentively ! If you put obstacles in the path of
our Tanzim movement, and do not give us our rights, we
shall make common cause with Afghanistan or some other
Musalman power and establish our rule in this country.”
Maulana Azad Sobhani in his speech† made on the 27th
January 1939 at Sylhet expressed sentiments which are worthy of
* “Through Indian Eyes”. Times of India dated 14-3-25.
†The Bengali version of the speech appeared in the Anand Bazar Patrika.
The English version of it given here is a translation made for me by the Editor
of the Hindustan Standard.
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attention. In reply to the question of a Maulana, Maulana Azad
Sobhani said:—
“If there is any eminent leader in India who is in favour of
driving out the English from this country, then I am that leader.
In spite of this I want that there should be no fight with the
English on behalf of the Muslim League. Our big fight is with the
22 crores of our Hindu enemies, who constitute the majority. Only
4½ crores of Englishmen have practically swallowed the whole
world by becoming powerful. And if these 22 crores of Hindus who
are equally advanced in learning, intelligence and wealth as in
numbers, if they become powerful, then these Hindus will swallow
Muslim India and gradually even Egypt, Turkey, Kabul, Mecca,
Medina and other Muslim principalities, like Yajuj-Majuj (it is so
mentioned in Koran that before the destruction of the world, they
will appear on the earth and will devour whatever they will find).
“ The English are gradually becoming weak....... they will go
away from India in the near future. So if we do not fight the
greatest enemies of Islam, the Hindus, from now on and make
them weak, then they will not only establish Ramrajya in India
but also gradually spread all over the world. It depends on the 9
crores of Indian Muslims either to strengthen or to weaken them
(the Hindus). So it is the essential duty of every devout Muslim
to fight on by joining the Muslim League so that the Hindus may
not be established here and a Muslim rule may be established in
India as soon as the English depart.
“Though the English are the enemies of the Muslims, yet for
the present our fight is not with the English. At first we have to
come to some understanding with the Hindus through the Muslim
League. Then we shall be easily able to drive out the Engilsh and
establish Muslim rule in India.
“Be careful! Don’t fall into the trap of Congress Maulvis; because
the Muslim world is never safe in the hands of 22 crores of Hindu
enemies.”
According to the summary of the speech given by the
correspondent of the Anand Bazar Patrika Maulana Azad Sobhani
then narrated various imaginary incidents of oppressions on
Muslims in Congress provinces.
“He said that when the Congress accepted ministry after
the introduction of Provincial Autonomy, he felt that Muslim
interests were not safe in the hands of the Hindu-dominated
Congress; but the Hindu leaders felt indifferently and so he left
the Congress and joined the League. What he had feared has
been put in reality by the Congress ministers. This forestalling
of the future is called politics. He was, therefore, a great
politician. He was again thinking that before India became
independent some sort of understanding had to be arrived at with
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the Hindus either by force or in a friendly way. Otherwise, the
Hindus, who had been the slaves of the Muslims for 700 years,
would ensalve the Muslims.”
The Hindus are aware of what is passing in the mind of the
Muslims and dread the possibility of Muslims using independence
to enslave them. As a result Hindus are lukewarm towards making
independence as the goal of India’s political evolution. These are
not the fears of those who are not qualified to judge. On the
contrary, the Hindus who have expressed their apprehensions
as to the wisdom of heading for independence are those who
are eminently qualified by their contact with Muslim leaders to
express an opinion.
Mrs. Annie Besant says* :—
“Another serious question arises with regard to the
Muhammadans of India. If the relation between Muslims and
Hindus were as it was in the Lucknow days, this question would
not be so urgent, though it would even then have almost certainly
arisen, sooner or later, in an Independent India. But since the
Khilafat agitation, things have changed and it has been one of
the many injuries inflicted on India by the encouragement of the
Khilafat crusade, that the inner Muslim feeling of hatred against
‘unbelievers’ has sprung up, naked and unashamed, as in the
years gone by. We have seen revived, as guide in practical politics,
the old Muslim religion of the sword, we have seen the dragging
out of centuries of forgetfulness, the old exclusiveness, claiming
the Jazirut-Arab, the island of Arabia, as a holy land which may
not be trodden by the polluting foot of a non-Muslim, we have
heard Muslim leaders declare that if the Afghans invaded India,
they would join their fellow believers, and would slay Hindus
who defended their motherland against the foe: we have been
forced to see that the primary allegiance of Musalmans is to
Islamic countries, not to our motherland; we have learned that
their dearest hope is to establish the ‘ Kingdom of God’, not God
as Father of the world, loving all his creatures, but as a God
seen through Musalman spectacles resembling in his command
through one of the prophets, as to the treatment of unbeliever—the
Mosaic JEHOVA of the early Hebrews, when they were fighting
as did the early Muslims, for freedom to follow the religion given
to them by their prophet. The world has gone beyond such socalled theocracies, in which God’s commands are given through a
man. The claim now put forward by Musalman leaders that they
must obey the laws of their particular prophet above the laws of
the State in which they live, is subversive of civic order and the
stability of the State; it makes them bad citizens for their centre of
*The Future of Indian Politics, pp. 301-305.
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allegiance is outside the nation and they cannot, while they hold the
views proclaimed by Maulanas Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali, to name
the most prominent of these Muslim leaders, be trusted by their fellow
citizens. If India were independent the Muslim part of the population—
for the ignorant masses would follow those who appealed to them in the
name of their prophet—would become an immediate peril to Indian’s
freedom. Allying themselves with Afghanistan, Baluchistan, Persia,
Iraq, Arabia, Turkey and Egypt and with such of the tribes of Central
Asia who are Musalmans, they would rise to place India under the
Rule of Islam—those in ‘British India’ being helped by the Muslims in
Indian States—and would establish Musalman rule. We had thought
that Indian Musalmans were loyal to their motherland, and indeed,
we still hope that some of the educated class might strive to prevent
such a Musalman rising; but they are too few for effective resistance
and would be murdered as apostates. Malabar has taught us what
Islamic rule still means, and we do not want to see another specimen
of the ‘Khilafat Raj’ in India. How much sympathy with the Moplas
is felt by Muslims outside Malabar has been proved by the defence
raised for them by their fellow believers, and by Mr. Gandhi himself,
who stated that they had acted as they believed that religion taught
them to act I fear that that is true; but there is no place in a civilised
land for people who believe that their religion teaches them to murder,
rob, rape, burn, or drive away out of the country those who refuse
to apostatise from their ancestral faiths, except in its schools, under
surveillance, or in its gaols. The Thugs believed that their particular
form of God commanded them to strangle people—especially travellers
with money. Such ‘Laws of God’ cannot be allowed to override the laws
of a civilised country, and people living in the twentieth century must
either educate people who hold these Middle Age views, or else exile
them. Their place is in countries sharing their opinions, where they
can still use such arguments against any who differ from them—as
indeed, Persia and with the Parsis long ago, and the Bahaists in our
own time. In fact, Muslim sects are not safe in a country ruled by
orthodox Muslims. British rule in India has protected the freedom
of all sects: Shiahs, Sunnis, Sufis, Bahaists live in safety under her
sceptre, although it cannot protect any of them from social ostracism,
where it is in a minority. Musalmans are more free under British
rule, than in countries where there are Muslim rulers. In thinking
of an Independent India, the menace of Muhammadan rule has to
be considered.”
Similar fear was expressed by Lala Lajpatrai in a letter*
to Mr. C. R. Das:—
“There is one point more which has been troubling me very much of
late and one which I want you to think carefully and that is the question
of Hindu-Mohamadan unity. I have devoted most of my time during the
last six months to the study of Muslim history and Muslim Law and I
am inclined to think, it is neither possible nor practicable. Assuming
*Quoted in Life of Savarkar by Indra Prakash.