Vol. 8 · pages 91–95
Pakistan or the Partition of India
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
PDF page 91 (printed page 66)
66 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
forged in 1826. For over 110 years that administrative unity
continued to exist. In 1937, the knot that tied the two together
was cut as under and nobody shed a tear over it. The unity
between India and Burma was not less fundamental. If unity
is to be of an abiding character, it must be founded on a sense
of kinship, in the feeling of being kindred. In short, it must be
spiritual. Judged in the light of these considerations, the unity
between Pakistan and Hindustan is a myth. Indeed, there is
more spiritual unity between Hindustan and Burma than there
is between Pakistan and Hindustan. And if the Hindus did not
object to the severance of Burma from India, it is difficult to
understand how the Hindus can object to the severance of an
area like Pakistan, which, to repeat, is politically detachable
from, socially hostile and spiritually alien to, the rest of India.
zz
PDF page 92
CHAPTER V
WEAKENING OF THE DEFENCES
How will the creation of Pakistan affect the question of
the Defence of Hindustan ? The question is not a very urgent
one. For, there is no reason to suppose that Pakistan will be
at war with Hindustan immediately it is brought into being.
Nevertheless, as the question is sure to be raised, it is better
to deal with it.
The question may be considered under three heads : (1)
Question of Frontiers, (2) Question of Resources and (3)
Question of Armed Forces.
I
QUESTION OF FRONTIERS
It is sure to be urged by the Hindus that Pakistan leaves
Hindustan without a scientific frontier. The obvious reply, of
course, is that the Musalmans cannot be asked to give up their
right to Pakistan, because it adversely affects the Hindus in
the matter of their boundaries. But banter apart, there are
really two considerations, which, if taken into account, will
show that the apprehensions of the Hindus in this matter are
quite uncalled for.
In the first place, can any country hope to have a frontier
which may be called scientific ? As Mr. Davies, the author of
North-West Frontier, observes :
“It would be impossible to demarcate on the NorthWest of our Indian Empire a frontier which would satisfy
ethnological, political and military requirements. To seek
for a zone which traverses easily definable geographical
features; which does not violate ethnic considerations by
cutting through the territories of closely related tribes;
and which at the same time serves as a political boundary,
is utopian.”
PDF page 93 (printed page 68)
68 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
As a matter of history, there has been no one scientific
boundary for India and different persons have advocated
different boundaries for India. The question of boundaries
has given rise to two policies, the “Forward” Policy and the
“ Back to the Indus ” Policy. The “ Forward ” Policy had a
greater and a lesser intent, to use the language of Sir George
Macmunn. In its greater intent, it meant active control in the
affairs of Afghanistan as an Etat Tampion to India and the
extension of Indian influence upto the Oxus. In its lesser intent,
it was confined to the absorption of the tribal hills between
the administered territory (i.e. the Province of N.-W.F.) and
Afghanistan as defined by the Durand Line and the exercise
of British control right up to that line. The greater intent of
the Forward Policy, as a basis for a safe boundary for India,
has long been abandoned. Consequently, there remain three
possible boundary lines to choose from: (1) the Indus River,
(2) the present administrative boundary of the N.-W. F. P.
and (3) the Durand Line. Pakistan will no doubt bring the
boundary of Hindustan Back to the Indus, indeed behind the
Indus, to the Sutlej. But this “Back to the Indus” policy was
not without its advocates. The greatest exponent of the Indus
boundary was Lord Lawrence, who was strongly opposed
to any forward move beyond the trans-Indus foot-hills. He
advocated meeting any invader in the valley of the Indus. In
his opinion, it would be an act of folly and weakness to give
battle at any great distance from the Indus base; and the
longer the distance an invading army has to march through
Afghanistan and the tribal country, the more harassed it would
be. Others, no doubt, have pointed out that a river is a weak
line of defence. But the principal reason for not retiring to the
Indus boundary seems to lie elsewhere. Mr. Davies gives the
real reason when he says that the
“ ‘ Back to Indus ’ cry becomes absurd when it is
examined from the point of view of the inhabitants of the
modern North-West Frontier Province. Not only would
withdrawal mean loss of prestige, but it would also be a
gross betrayal of those peoples to whom we have extended
our beneficent rule.”
In fact, it is no use insisting that any particular boundary
is the safest, for the simple reason that geographical conditions
are not decisive in the world today and modern technique has
PDF page 94
69
PAKISTAN : WEAKENING OF THE DEFENCES
robbed natural frontiers of much of their former importance,
even where they are mighty mountains, the broadest streams,
widest seas or far stretching deserts.
In the second place, it is always possible for nations with
no natural boundaries to make good this defect. Countries are
not wanting which have no natural boundaries. Yet, all have
made good the deficiencies of nature, by creating artificial
fortifications as barriers, which can be far more impregnable
than natural barriers. There is no reason to suppose that the
Hindus will not be able to accomplish what other countries
similarly situated have done. Given the resources, Hindus need
have no fear for want of a naturally safe frontier.
II
QUESTION OF RESOURCES
More important than the question of a scientific frontier,
is the question of resources. If resources are ample for the
necessary equipment, then it is always possible to overcome
the difficulties created by an unscientific or a weak frontier.
We must, therefore, consider the comparative resources of
Pakistan and Hindustan. The following figures are intended
to convey an idea of their comparative resources :—
Resources of Pakistan
Provinces Area Population Revenues*
Rs.
N.-W.F.P . . 13,518 2,425,003 1,90,11,842
Punjab . . 91,919 23,551,210 12,53,87,730
Sind . . 46,378 3,887,070 9,56,76,269
Baluchistan . . 54,228 420,648 . .
Bengal . . 82,955 50,000,000 36,55,62,485
Total . . 288,998 80,283,931 60,56,38,326
*Revenues include revenue raised both by Provincial Government in the
Provinces from provincial sources and by the Central Government from Central
revenues.
PDF page 95 (printed page 70)
70 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Resources of Hindustan
Provinces Area Population Revenues*
Rs.
Ajmer-Merwara 2,711 560,292 21,00,000
Assam . . 55,014 8,622,251 4,46,04,441
Bihar . . 69,348 32,371,434 6,78,21,588
Bombay . . 77,271 18,000,000 34,98,03,800
C. P. & Berar . . 99,957 15,507,723 4,58,83,962
Coorg . . 1,593 163,327 11,00,000
Delhi . . 573 636,246 70,00,000
Madras . . 142,277 46,000,000 25,66,71,265
Orissa . . 32,695 8,043,681 87,67,269
U.P. . . 206,248 48,408,763 16,85,52,881
Total . . 607,657 178,513,919 96,24,05,206
These are gross figures. They are subject to certain additions
and deductions. Revenues derived by the Central Government
from Railways, Currency and Post and Telegraphs are not
included in these figures, as it is not possible to ascertain how
much is raised from each Province. When it is done, certain
additions will have to be made to the figures under revenue.
There can be no doubt that the share from these heads of
revenue that will come to Hindustan, will be much larger than
the share that will go to Pakistan. Just as additions will have
to be made to these figures, so also deductions will have to be
made from them. Most of these deductions will, of course, fall
to the lot of Pakistan. As will be shown later, some portion
of the Punjab will have to be excluded from the scheme of
Western Pakistan. Similarly, some portion of Bengal will have
to be excluded from the proposed Eastern Pakistan, although
a district from Assam will have to be added to it. According to
me, fifteen districts will have to be excluded from Bengal and
thirteen districts shall have to be excluded from the Punjab.
Sufficient data are not available to enable any one to give
an exact idea of what would be the reduction in the area,
* Revenues include revenue raised both by Provincial Government in the
Provinces from provincial sources and by the Central Government from Central
revenues.