Vol. 9 · pages 101–105
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR :
WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
devised a scheme to isolate the Untouchables. For this
Mr. Gandhi planned to buy out the Musalmans by giving to the
Musalmans their fourteen demands, which Mr. Gandhi was not in
the beginning prepared to agree. When he found the Musalmans
were lending their support to the Untouchables Mr. Gandhi agreed
to them their fourteen points on condition that they withdrew
their support from the Untouchables. The agreement was actually
drafted. The text of it is given below:—
“DRAFT OF GANDHI-MUSLIM PACT 1
MUSLIM DELEGATION TO THE ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE2
Tel.: VICTORIA 2360 QUEEN’S HOUSE,
Telegrams: “COURTLIKE” LONDON 57, ST. JAMES’ C OURT,
BUCKINGHAM GATE
LONDON, S.W. 1
6th October 1931.
The following proposals were discussed by Mr. Gandhi and the
Muslim Delegation at 10 p.m. last night. They are divided into
two parts—The proposals made by the Muslims for safeguarding
their rights and the proposals made by Mr. Gandhi regarding the
Congress policy. They are given herewith as ; approved by Mr.
Gandhi, and placed for submission to the Muslim Delegation for
their opinion.
MUSLIM PROPOSALS MR. GANDHI’S PROPOSALS
1. In the Punjab and Bengal bare
majority of one per cent. of Musalmans
but the question of whether it should
be by means of joint electorates and
reservation of 51 per cent. of the
whole house should be referred to
the Musalman voters before the new
constitution comes into force and their
verdict should be accepted.
1. That the Franchise should be on the
basis of adult suffrage.
2. No special reservations to any other
community save Sikhs and Hindu
Minorities. (Italics are not in the
original)
3. The Congress demands:
A. Complete Independence.
1. This document was printed by me in my Thoughts on Pakistan as an Appendix
in 1939. It was the first time it saw the light of the day. Its genuineness has never
been questioned. I was able to get a copy from a Hindu Delegate to the Round
Table Conference who was privileged by the Muslim League to share the secret .
2. This shows that the document was typed on the stationery of the Muslim
League Delegation.
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
A MEAN DEAL
2. In other provinces where the
Musalmans are in a minority the
present weightage enjoyed by them to
continue, but whether the seats should
be reserved to a joint electorate, or
whether they should have separate
electorates should be determined by
the Musalman voters by a referendum
under the new constitution, and their
verdict should be accepted.
3. That the Musalman representatives
to the Central Legislature in both
the houses should be 26 per cent, of
the total number of the British India
representatives, and 7 per cent, at least
by convention should be Musalmans, out
of the quota that may be assigned to
Indian States, that is to say, one-third
of the whole house when taken together.
4. That the residuary power should
vest in the federating Provinces of
British India.
5. That the other points as follows being
agreed to :
1. Sindh.1
2. N.W.F.P.2
3. Services. 3
4. Cabinet. 4
5. Fundamental rights and safeguards
for religion and culture.
6. Safeguards against legislation
affecting any community.
B. Complete control over the defenee
immediately.
C. Complete control over external
affairs.
D. Complete control over Finance.
E. Investigation of public debts and
other obligations by an independent
tribunal.
F. As in the case of a partnership, right
of either party to terminate it.
1. Stands for separation of Sindh.
2. Stands for Provincial Autonomy and Responsible Government for the
N. W. F. Province.
3. Stands for Representation in Services.
4. Stands for Representation in the Cabinet.
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR :
WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
It is true that the Untouchables are not mentioned in this
draft agreement. But that the Musalmans are bound not to
support any other minority except the Sikhs makes it quite
clear that they were not to support the Untouchables. In this
intrigue, Mr. Gandhi failed as he was bound to. The Musalmans
who were out to demand safeguards for them selves could
not stand up and oppose the demands of the Untouchables.
Mr. Gandhi in his passion for suppressing the Untouchables
had lost his sense of discrimination to such extent as not to be
able to distinguish between means which are fair and means
which are foul. Mr. Gandhi did not care to honour his word.
In the Minorities Committee, Mr. Gandhi had said that if the
Committee agreed to accept the claim of the Untouchables for
separate recognition it was free to do so, which meant that
he would abide by the decision of the majority. But when
he came to know that the other minorities had agreed to
support the Untouchables, he did not hesitate to approach
the Musalmans and turn them against the Untouchables by
accepting their fourteen points which the Congress, the Hindu
Maha Sabha and even the Simon Commission had rejected.
Even if Mr. Gandhi was prepared to flout public opinion and
public morality this diabolical plot of Mr. Gandhi fell through
because the Musalmans refused to disgrace themselves by
joining in it. When the second session of the Round Table
Conference was dissolved the delegates to the Minorities
Committee accepted the proposal of the Prime Minister to
put in a signed requisition authorizing him to arbitrate and
give his decision on the communal issue. Many delegates
did it including Mr. Gandhi. 1 There was nothing left for the
delegates but to return to India and await the decision of the
Prime Minister and having made him the sole arbitrator to
accept it with good cheer.
VI
Before I resume the narrative and state what decision the
Prime Minister gave, I must describe the strange phenomenon
which I, as a member of the Franchise Committee, witnessed.
After the close of the second session of the Round Table
Conference, the Prime Minister thought it advisable to have
1. I did not make any such requisition. I felt that the demands of the
Untouchables were so reasonable that no arbitration was necessary,
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
A MEAN DEAL
the question of franchise for the new constitution examined by
a Committee. Accordingly, in December 1931 he appointed a
Committee with the late Lord Lothian as its Chairman. Its main
term of reference was to devise a system of franchise whereby,
to use the language of the Prime Minister’s letter of instructions
to the Chairman,
“The legislatures to which responsibility is to be
entrusted should be representative of the general mass
of the population, and that no important section of the
community may lack the means of expressing its needs
and its opinions.”
The Committee started its work early in January 1932. For
doing its work the Committee took the help of the Provincial
Governments and of the Provincial Franchise Committees
consisting of non-officials specially constituted for that purpose
province by province. The Committee issued questionnaires.
They were replied to by the Provincial Governments, by the
Provincial Franchise Committees and by individuals. Witnesses
were examined by the Committee sitting with each Provincial
Franchise Committee. The Provincial Governments and the
Provincial Committees submitted their reports separately to the
Committee. They were discussed by the Committee with the
Provincial Government and the Provincial Committee before it
came to its own conclusion. Besides the general tasks assigned to
the Lothian Committee, it had a special task with which it was
charged by the Prime Minister. It had relation to the political
demands of the Untouchables which the Prime Minister had
referred to in the following terms in his letter of instruction to
the Chairman :—
“It is evident from the discussions which have
occurred in various connections in the Conference that
the new constitution must make adequate provision for
the representation of the Depressed Classes, and that the
method of representation by nomination is no longer regarded
as appropriate. As you are aware, there is a difference of
opinion whether the system of separate electorates should
be instituted for the Depressed Classes and your committee’s
investigations should contribute towards the decision of this
question by indicating the extent to which the Depressed
Classes would be likely, through such general extension of
the franchise as you may recommend, to secure the right
to vote in ordinary electorates. On the other hand, should
it be decided eventually to constitute separate electorates
for the Depressed Classes, either generally or in those
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR :
WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
provinces in which they form a distinct and separable
element in the population, your Committee’s inquiry into
the general problem of extending the franchise should place
you in possession of facts which would facilitate the devising
of a method of separate representation for the Depressed
Classes.”
Following upon these instructions, it became the task of
the Committee to come to some conclusion as to the total
population of the Untouchables in British India.
To the question what is the population of the Untouchables
the replies received were enough to stagger anybody. Witness
after witness came forward to say that the Untouchables in his
Province were infinitesimally small. There were not wanting
witnesses who said that there were no Untouchables at all!!
It was a most extraordinary sight to see Hindu witnesses
perjuring themselves regardless of truth by denying the
existence of the Untouchables or by reducing their number to
a negligible figure. The members of the Provincial Franchise
Committee were also a party to this plan. Strange to say that
some of the Hindu members of the Lothian Committee were
in the game. This move of denying the very existence of the
Untouchables or reducing their number almost to nil was
particularly rampant in certain Provinces. How the Hindus
were prepared to economise truth, even to a vanishing point,
will be evident from the following figures. In the United
Provinces, the Census Commissioner in 1931 had estimated
the total population of the Untouchables at 12.6 millions,
the Provincial Government at 6.8 millions but the Provincial
Franchise Committee at .6 millions only!! In Bengal, the Census
gave the figures of 10.3 millions, Provincial Government fixed
it as 11.2 millions but the Provincial Franchise Committee
at .07 millions only!
Before the Round Table Conference no Hindu bothered
about the exact population of the Untouchables and were quite
satisfied with the accuracy of the Census figures which gave
the total of the Untouchables at about 70 to 80 millions. Why
did then the Hindus start suddenly to challenge this figure
when the question was taken up by the Lothian Committee ?
The answer is very clear. Before the time of the Lothian
Committee the population of the Untouchables had no value.
But after the Round Table Conference the Hindus had come to
know that the Untouchables were demanding separate allot-