Vol. 9 · pages 356–360
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
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(4)
Extract from the Report of the Simon Commission, Vol. II.
* * *
78. ... ... In no other province has it been possible to get an
estimate of the number of the depressed classes who are qualified
to vote. It is clear that even with a considerable lowering of the
franchise—which would no doubt increase the proportion of the
depressed class voters—there would be no hope of the depressed
classes getting their own representatives elected in general
constituencies without special provision being made to secure it.
In the long run the progress of the depressed classes, so far as
it can be secured by the exercise by them of political influence,
will depend on their getting a position of sufficient importance for
other elements to seek their support and to consider their needs.
* * *
80. …… It will be seen, therefore, that we do not recommend
allocating seats to the depressed classes on the basis of their full
population ratio. The scale of reserved representation suggested
will secure a substantial increase in the number of the M.L.C’s.
drawn from the depressed classes. The poverty and want of
education which so widely prevail amongst them make it extremely
doubtful whether a large number of adequately equipped members
could be at once provided, and it is far better that they should
be represented by qualified spokesmen rather than by a larger
number of ineffectives who are only too likely to be subservient
to higher castes. The re-distribution of seats which is now being
attempted among different kinds of representatives cannot be
permanent, and provision must be made for its revision. But we
think that our proposal is adequate for the present, especially
as the representation of opinion by reservation of seats does not
exclude the possibility of the capture of other seats not so reserved.
* * *
(5)
Extract from the Government of India’s Despatch on Proposals
for Constitutional Reform (as set out by the Simon Commission ).
* * *
35. The Representation of the Depressed Classes.—The suggestions
made by the Commission for the representation of the depressed
classes have been much criticized by the provincial Governments.
The difficulty of framing for each province a definition of the
“depressed classes” is probably inherent in any scheme for the
special representation of this class other than by nomination; but the
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR :
WRITINGS AND SPEECHES
Appendix I
Commission’s proposals place a peculiarly embarrassing duty on
the Governor to certify candidates authorised to stand for the
depressed classes ; and the proportion of representation which
the Commission suggest, namely, in the ratio of three-quarters
of the proportion of the depressed classes population to the total
population of the electoral area of the provinces, seems likely to
be unduly high. The Government of the United Provinces have
calculated that in that province the Commission’s proposal would
result in the return to the provincial legislature of no less than
forty members in place of the single nominated member who
at present represents the community. The whole problem of
the representation of the depressed classes will require careful
investigation by the Franchise Committee ; and at this stage
we only wish to make plain that in our view their adequate
representation should be secured by the best means that may be
found practicable. Though there are some differences of opinion
within the community, recent meetings of depressed classes
associations have re-affirmed their belief in separate electorates.
* * *
(6)
Extract from the Terms of Reference to the Lothian Committee
(on Franchise) 1932.
* * *
3. You are aware that the present electorate in Indian provinces
amounts to less than 3 per cent, of the population of the areas
returning members to provincial Councils, and it is obvious that
under this limited franchise, the majority of the people and
many large and important sections of the community can enjoy
no effective representation in the Legislatures. The principle of a
responsible Federal Government, subject to certain reservations
and safeguards, has been accepted by His Majesty’s Government
while it has been decided that the Governors’ provinces are to
become responsibly governed units, enjoying the greatest possible
measure of freedom from outside interference and dictation in
carrying out their own policies in their own sphere. In these
circumstances, it is clearly necessary so to widen the electorate
that the legislatures to which responsibility is to be entrusted
should be representative of the general mass of the population
and that no important section of the community may lack the
means of expressing its needs and its opinions.
* * *
6. It is evident from the discussions which have occurred in
various connections in the Conference that the new Constitution
must make adequate provision for the representation of the De-
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pressed Classes and that the method of representation by
nomination is no longer regarded as appropriate. As you are
aware, there is difference of opinion whether the system of
separate electorates should be instituted for the Depressed Classes
and your Committee’s investigations should contribute towards
the decision of this question by indicating the extent to which
the Depressed Classes would be likely, through such general
extension of the franchise as you may recommend, to secure the
right to vote in ordinary electorates. On the other hand, should
it be decided eventually to constitute separate electorates for the
Depressed Classes, either generally or in those provinces in which
they form a distinct and separate element in the population,
your committee’s inquiry into general problem of extending the
franchise should place you in possession of facts which would
facilitate the devising of a method of separate representation for
the Depressed Classes.
* * *
(7)
Extract from the Statement issued by H. E. Lord Linlithgow the
Viceroy and Governor-General of India, dated 17th October 1939.
* * *
“Be that as it may, His Majesty’s Government recognise
that when the time comes to resume consideration of the plan
for the future federal Government of India, and of the plan
destined to give effect to the Assurance given in Parliament by
the late Secretary of State, to which I have just referred, it will
be necessary to reconsider in the light of the then circumstances
to what extent the details of the plan embodied in the Act of
1935 remain appropriate.
And I am authorised now by His Majesty’s Government to
say that at the end of the war they will be very willing to enter
into consultation with representatives of the several communities,
parties and interests in India, and with the Indian Princes, with
a view to securing their aid and co-operation in the framing of
such modifications as may seem desirable.”
* * *
(8)
Extract from a Statement made on 7th November 1939 by
Lord Zetland, Secretary of State for India in the House of Lords.
* * *
“The Congress have further consistently taken the line, which
they still maintain, that the fact that there are racial and religions
minorities in India is of no relevance in that connexion, and that
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it has always been the intention of the Congress to secure,
through the Constitution to be framed by Indians themselves,
such protection for their rights as may prove acceptable to
the minorities.
His Majesty’s Government find it impossible to accept this
position. The long-standing British connexion with India has
left His Majesty’s Government with obligations towards her
which it is impossible for them to shed by disinteresting
themselves wholly in the shaping of her future form of
Government. Moreover, one outstanding result of the recent
discussions in which the Governor-General has been engaged
with representatives of all parties and interests in India has
been to establish beyond doubt the fact that a declaration in
the sense proposed, with the summary abandonment by His
Majesty’s Government of their position in India, would be far
from acceptable to large sections of the Indian population.”
* * *
(9)
Extract from the Speech made by H. E. Lord Linlithgow,
Viceroy and Governor-General at the Orient Club, Bombay, on
January 10, 1940.
“Nor must we forget the essential necessity, in the
interests of Indian unity, of the inclusion of the Indian States
in any Constitutional scheme.
There are the insistent claims of the minorities.
I need refer only to two of them—the great Muslim
minority and the Scheduled Castes—there are the guarantees
that have been given to the minorities in the past; the fact
that their position must be safeguarded, and that those
guarantees must be honoured.
* * *
(10)
Extract from a Speech made by the Right Hon’ble Mr. L. S.
Amery, Secretary of State for India in the House of Commons on
August 14, 1940.
* * *
“Congress leaders… have built up a remarkable
organization, the most efficient political machine in India…
if only they had succeeded, if the Congress could, in fact
speak, as it professes to speak, for all the main elements in
India’s national life, then however advanced their demands,
our problem would have been in many respects far easier
than it is to-day. It is true that they are numerically the
largest single party in British India, but their claim in virtue
of that fact to speak for India is utterly denied by very
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APPENDIX VI
important elements in India’s complex national life. These
others assert their right to be regarded not as mere numerical
minorities but as separate constituent factors in any future
Indian policy. The foremost among these elements stands the
great Muslim community. They will have nothing to do with
a constitution framed by a constituent assembly elected by a
majority vote in geographical constituencies. They claim the
right in any constitutional discussions to be regarded as an
entity against the operations of a mere numerical majority.
The same applies to the great body what are known as the
Scheduled Castes who feel that in spite of Mr. Gandhi’s
earnest endeavours on their behalf that, as a community,
they stand outside the main body of the Hindu community
which is represented by the Congress.
* * *
(11)
Extract from the Speech of the Right Hon’ble Mr. L. S. Amery,
Secretary of State for India in the House of Commons on 23rd
April 1941.
* * *
“India’s future Constitution should be devised by Indians for
themselves and not by the British Government. India’s future
Constitution should be essentially an Indian Constitution, framed
in accordance with the Indian conception of Indian conditions and
Indian needs. The only essential condition is that the Constitution
itself and the body which is to frame it must be the outcome of
agreement between principal elements in India’s national life.
* * *
(12)
Extract from a Statement by H. E. Lord Linlithgow, Viceroy
and Governor-General of India on 8th August 1940.
* * *
“These are two main points which have emerged. On
these two points, His Majesty’s Government now desire me to
make then-position clear. The first is as to the position of the
minorities in relation to any future Constitutional scheme. . .It
goes without saying that they (H. M. Government) could not
contemplate the transfer of their present responsibilities for
the peace and welfare of India to any system of Government
whose authority is directly denied by large and powerful
elements in India’s national life. Nor could they be parties
to the coercion of such elements into submission to such a
Government.”