Vol. 9 · pages 406–410
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
This text was extracted automatically from the official PDF of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, so it may contain small errors. Always check the original page before quoting.
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India cannot be carried through unless the whole-hearted cooperation of every community and section of the Indian people
is forthcoming.
9. His Majesty’s Government have therefore considered
whether there is something which they could suggest in
this interim period, under the existing constitution, pending
the formulation by Indians of their future constitutional
arrangements, which would enable the main communities and
parties to co-operate more closely together and with the British
to the benefit of the people of India as a whole.
10. It is not the intention of His Majesty’s Government to
introduce any change contrary to the wishes of the major Indian
communities. But they are willing to make possible some step
forward during the interim period if the leaders of the principal
Indian parties are prepared to agree to their suggestions and
to co-operate in the successful conclusion of the war against
Japan as well as in the reconstruction in India which must
follow the final victory.
11. To this end they would be prepared to see an important
change in the composition of the Viceroy’s Executive. This is
possible without making any change in the existing statute
law except for one amendment to the Ninth Schedule to the
Act of 1935. That Schedule contains a provision that not less
than three members of the Executive must have had at least
10 years’ service under the Crown in India. If the proposals
I am about to lay before the House meet with acceptance in
India, that clause would have to be amended to dispense with
that requirement.
12. It is proposed that the Executive Council should be
reconstituted and that the Viceroy should in future make his
selection for nomination to the Crown for appointment to his
Executive from amongst leaders of Indian political life at the
Centre and in the Provinces, in proportions which would give
a balanced representation of the main communities, including
equal proportions of Moslems and Caste Hindus.
13. In order to pursue this object, the Viceroy will call into
conference a number of leading Indian politicians who are the
heads of the most important parties or who have had recent
experience as Prime Ministers of Provinces, together with a few
others of special experience and authority. The Viceroy intends
to put before this conference the proposal that the Executive
Council should be reconstituted as above stated and to invite
from the members of the conference a list of names. Out of
these he would hope to be able to choose the future members
whom he would recommend for appointment by His Majesty
to the Viceroy’s Council, although the responsibility for the
recommendations must of course continue to rest with him, and
his freedom of choice therefore remains unrestricted.
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14. The members of his Council who are chosen as a
result of this arrangement would of course accept the position
on the basis that they would whole-heartedly co-operate in
supporting and carrying through the war against Japan to
its victorious conclusion.
15. The members of the Executive would be Indians with
the exception of the Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief,
who would retain his position as War Member. This is
essential so long as the defence of India remains a British
responsibility.
16. Nothing contained in any of these proposals will affect
the relations of the Crown with the Indian States through
the Viceroy as Crown Representative.
17. The Viceroy has been authorised by His Majesty’s
Government to place this proposal before the Indian Leaders.
His Majesty’s Government trust that the leaders of the
Indian communities will respond. For the success of such
a plan must depend upon its acceptance in India and the
degree to which responsible Indian politicians are prepared
to co-operate with the object of making it a workable interim
arrangement. In the absence of such general acceptance
existing arrangements must necessarily continue.
18. If such co-operation can be achieved at the Centre
it will no doubt be reflected in the Provinces and so enable
responsible Governments to be set up once again in those
Provinces where, owing to the withdrawal of the majority
party from participation, it became necessary to put into
force the powers of the Governors under Section 93 of the
Act of 1935. It is to be hoped that in all the Provinces
these Governments would be based on the participation of
the main parties, thus smoothing out communal differences
and allowing Ministers to concentrate upon their very heavy
administrative tasks.
19. There is one further change which, if these proposals
are accepted, His Majesty’s Government suggest should follow.
20. That is, that External Affairs (other than those tribal
and frontier matters which fall to be dealt with as part of
the defence of India) should be placed in the charge of an
Indian Member of the Viceroy’s Executive so far as British
India is concerned, and that fully accredited representatives
shall be appointed for the representation of India abroad.
21. By their acceptance of and co-operation in this scheme
the Indian leaders will not only be able to make their
immediate contribution to the direction of Indian affairs, but
it is also to be hoped that their experience of co-operation in
government will expedite agreement between them as to the
method of working out the new constitutional arrangements.
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22. His Majesty’s Government consider, after the most
careful study of the question, that the plan now suggested
gives the utmost progress practicable within the present
constitution. None of the changes suggested will in any
way prejudice or prejudge the essential form of the future
permanent constitution or constitutions for India.
23. His Majesty’s Government feel certain that given
goodwill and a genuine desire to co-operate on all sides, both
British and Indian, these proposals can mark a genuine step
forward in the collaboration of the British and Indian peoples
towards Indian self-government and can assert the rightful
position, and strengthen the influence, of India in the counsels
of the nations.
(ii) Broadcast Speech by His Excellency the Viceroy at New
Delhi on 14th June 1945.
I have been authorised by His Majesty’s Government to
place before Indian political leaders proposals designed to
ease the present political situation and to advance India
towards her goal of full self-government. These proposals are
at the present moment being explained to Parliament by the
Secretary of State for India. My intention in this broadcast
is to explain to you the proposals, the ideas underlying them,
and the method by which I hope to put them into effect.
This is not an attempt to obtain or impose a constitutional
settlement. His Majesty’s Government had hoped that the
leaders of the Indian parties would agree amongst themselves
on a settlement of the communal issue, which is the main
stumbling-block; but this hope has not been fulfilled.
In the meantime, India has great opportunities to be taken
and great problems to be solved, which require a common
effort by the leading men of all parties. I therefore propose,
with the full support of His Majesty’s Government, to invite
Indian leaders both of Central and Provincial politics to
take counsel with me with a view to the formation of a new
Executive Council more representative of organised political
opinion. The proposed new Council would represent the main
communities and would include equal proportions of Caste
Hindus and Moslems. It would work, if formed, under the
existing Constitution. But it would be an entirely Indian
Council, except for the Viceroy and the Commander-in-Chief,
who would retain his position as War Member. It is also
proposed that the portfolio of External Affairs, which has
hitherto been held by the Viceroy, should be placed in charge
of an Indian Member of Council, so far as the interests of
British India are concerned.
A further step proposed by His Majesty’s Government is the
appointment of a British High Commissioner in India, as in the
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Dominions, to represent Great Britain’s Commercial and other
such interests in India.
Such a new Executive Council will, you realise, represent a
definite advance on the road to self-government. It will be almost
entirely Indian, and the Finance and Home Members will for the
first time be Indians, while an Indian will also be charged with
the management of India’s Foreign Affairs. Moreover Members
will now be selected by the Governor-General after consultation
with political leaders; though their appointment will of course be
subject to the approval of His Majesty the King-Emperor.
The Council will work within the framework of the present
constitution ; and there can be no question of the Governor-General
agreeing not to exercise his constitutional power of control; but it
will of course not be exercised unreasonably.
I should make it clear that the formation of this interim
Government will in no way prejudice the final constitutional
settlement.
The main tasks for this New Executive Council would be :
First, to prosecute the war against Japan with the utmost
energy till Japan is utterly defeated.
Secondly, to carry on the Government of British India, with all
the manifold tasks of post-war development in front of it, until a
new permanent constitution can be agreed upon and come into force.
Thirdly, to consider, when the Members of the Goverment think
it possible, the means by which such agreement can be achieved.
The third task is most important. I want to make it quite clear
that neither I nor His Majesty’s Government have lost sight of the
need for a long-term solution, and that the present proposals are
intended to make a long-term solution easier.
I have considered the best means of forming such a Council;
and have decided to invite the following to Viceregal Lodge to
advise me:
Those now holding office as Premier in a Provincial Government ;
or, for Provinces now under Section 93 Government, those who
last held the office of Premier.
The Leader of the Congress Party and the Deputy Leader of
the Muslim League in the Central Assembly; the leader of the
Congress Party and the Muslim League in the Council of State;
also the leaders of the Nationalist Party and the European Group
in the Assembly.
Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Jinnah as the recognised leaders of the
two main political parties.
Rao Bahadur N. Siva Raj to represent the Scheduled Classes.
Master Tara Singh to represent the Sikhs.
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Invitations to these gentlemen are being handed to them today and it
is proposed to assemble the Conference on 25th June at Simla where
we shall be cooler than at Delhi.
I trust that all those invited will attend the Conference and give me
their help. On me and on them will lie a heavy responsibility in this fresh
attempt to make progress towards a final settlement of India’s future.
If the meeting is successful, I hope that we shall be able to agree on
the formation of the new Executive Council at the Centre. I also hope
that it will be possible for Ministries to re-assume office and again
undertake the tasks of government in the Provinces now administered
under Section 93 of the Constitution Act and that these Ministries will
be coalitions.
If the meeting should unfortunately fail, we must carry on as at
present until the parties are ready to come together. The existing
Executive Council, which has done such valuable work for India, will
continue it if other arrangements cannot be agreed.
But I have every hope that the meeting will succeed, if the party
leaders will approach the problem with the sincere intention of working
with me and with each other. I can assure them that there is behind this
proposal a most genuine desire on the part of all responsible leaders in
the United Kingdom and of the British people as a whole to help India
towards her goal. I bel eve that this is more than a step towards that
goal, it is a considerable stride forward, and a stride on the right path.
I should make it clear that these proposals affect British India only
and do not make any alteration in the relations of the Princes with the
Crown Representative.
With the approval of His Majesty’s Government, and after
consultation with my Council, orders have been given for the immediate
release of the members of the Working Committee of Congress who are
still in detention. I propose to leave the final decision about the others
still under detention as the result of the 1942 disturbances to the new
Central Government, if formed, and to the Provincial Governments.
The appropriate time for fresh elections for the Central and Provincial
Legislatures will be discussed at the Conference.
Finally, I would ask you all to help in creating the atmosphere
of goodwill and mutual confidence that is essential if we are to make
progress. The destiny of this great country and of the many millions who
live in it depend on the wisdom and good understanding of the leaders,
both of action and of thought, British and Indian, at this critical moment
of India’s history.
India’s military reputation never stood higher in the world
than it does at present; thanks to the exploits of her sons drawn
from all parts of the country. Her representatives at International