Vol. 9 · pages 411–415

382 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES conferences have won high regard for their statesmanlike attitude. Sympathy for India’s aspirations and progress towards prosperity was never greater or more widespread. We have thus great assets if we can use them wisely. But it will not be easy, it will not be quick ; there is very much to do, there are many pitfalls and dangers. There is on all sides something to forgive and forget. I believe in the future of India, and as far as in me lies will further her greatness. I ask you all for your co-operation and goodwill. (iii) Mr. Gandhi’s Statement. As soon as I read the broadcast, I sent a wire to His Excellency the Viceroy drawing his attention to the fact that I have no locus standi as the “recognized representative of the Congress.” That function belongs to the President of the Congress or whoever is appointed to represent the Congress on a particular occasion. For several years, I have acted unofficially as an adviser to the Congress whenever required. The public will remember that I went with the same unrepresentative character for my talks with the Qaid-e-Azam Jinnah, and I can take up no other position with the British Government, in this instance represented by the Viceroy. There is one aspect of the Viceregal broadcast which certainly offends my ear and, I hope, will offend that of every politicallyminded Hindu. I refer to the expression “caste Hindus.” I claim that there is no such person, speaking politically, as a “Caste Hindu,” let alone the Congress which seeks to represent the whole of India which is yearning after political independence. Does Veer Savarkar or Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee of the Hindu Mahasabha represent caste Hindus ? Do they not represent all Hindus without distinction of caste ? Do they not include the so-called untouchables ? Do they themselves claim to be caste Hindus ? I hope not. Of all politicallyminded Hindus, I know that even the revered Pandit Malaviyaji, though he observes caste distinction, will refuse to be called a caste Hindu, as distinguished from the other Hindus. Modern tendency in Hinduism is to abolish all caste distinctions and this I maintain in spite of my knowledge of reactionary elements in Hindu society. I can only hope, therefore, that the Viceroy has allowed himself to make use of the expression in utter ignorance. I want to acquit him of knowingly wounding the susceptibilities of the Hindu society or dividing it. I would not have dwelt on this matter but for the fact that it touches the political mind of Hindus in its sensitive spot and carries with it political repercussions. The proposed conference can do much useful work if it is put in its proper political setting and is at the very outset rendered immune from any fissiparous tendency. Undoubtedly all invitees might

383 WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES : APPENDIX XVI appear as Indians conjointly bent on achieving India’s natural goal and not as persons representing several sections of Indian society. That is how I have viewed the Bhulabhai-Liaquat Ali understanding which I suppose laid the foundations for the forthcoming Viceregal conference. Sri Bhulabhai Desai’s proposal has no such colouring as the Viceregal broadcast would seem to have. I am not ashamed of the part I have played in advising Sri Bhulabhai Desai when he consulted me about his proposal. Sri Bhulabhai Desai’s proposal, as I understood it, attracted me as one interested in solving the communal tangle, and I assured him that I would use my influence with the members of the Working Committee and give reasons for acceptance of his proposal and I have no doubt that, if both parties to the proposal correctly represent their constituents and have independence of India as their common goal, things must shape well. At this point, I must stop and the Working Committee has to take up the thread. It is for its members to declare the Congress mind on the impending questions.— A.P.I. zzz

AMBEDKAR, DR. B. R. Memorandum to Minority SubCommittee of R.T.C., Text 41-52. Interview with Gandhi (footnote), 56. Fight against Gandhi’s Attempt at R.T.C. to bypass Depressed Classes, 58-62. On Gandhi’s Claim to represent Depressed Classes, 64-65. Agreement with Mr. Gandhi—PoonaPact, 88-89. Statement on Temple Entry Bill, 108113 Association with Harijan Sevak Sangh, 113 Proposals for conducting antiUntouchability League on right lines, 134-140 Supplementary Memorandum on Political Safeguards for Depressed Classes, 58 ; Text, 304-306 Statement on Gandhi’s Fast, 311-317 Objections to Cripps’ Proposals, 336-343 APTHEKAR, HERBERT On Negroes in Civil War, 173-174 Betrayal of Negroes, 176 ASAF ALI On Congress Resolution on Depressed Classes, 2-3 BANNERJEE, SURENDRANATH Congress and Social Reform, 9-10 BANNEBJEE, W. C. Congress and Social Reform, 8-9 BESANT, ANNIE On Admission of Depressed Class boys to common school, 3-7 BIRLA, G. D. Statements on programme and objects of Anti-Untouchability League, 126-129, 140-141 CHANDAVARKAR, SIR NARAYAN Meeting of Depressed Classes under his chairmanship, 14-15, 17-18. CONGRESS, INDIAN NATIONAL Resolution and Speeches on removal of disabilities of Depressed Classes, 1-3 Addresses of Presidents re attitude to social reforms, 7-10 Genesis of Resolution on Depressed Classes, 14-18 Absence of action on resolution, 18 Bardoli social amelioration programme, 19-20 Fate of programme re Untouchables, 21-22 Reasons for abandoning responsibility for welfare of Untouchables, 23-24 Part in elections to seats reserved for Untouchables, 93-94. Policy of exclusion of Untouchables from Cabinets, 97-98 Principles in selecting candidates for elections, 100-101, 222 Prevents Untouchable Congressmen from ventilating grievances, 101102 Examination of its claim to be majority party, 146-149, 201. Examination of its claim to represent Untouchables (tables 10-16), 155161 Sanctions it forged, 166 Fight for freedom or power, 167, 169, 177-178 Fallacies in denying separate political entity of Untouchables, 185-189 Fighting for whose freedom, 201-202, 204, 231, 236, 238 Gandhi on its financial resources, 208 Outrageous use of despised communities to ridicule elections, 210-211 Promises to servile classes of social amelioration in Swaraj, 212 Puts Brahmin and Bania in power in 1937 elections, 217-224 Connection between—and governing classes, 233-234 CRIPPS, SIR STAFFORD His proposals (text), 334-336; See also Ambedkar DEMOCRACY Grote on the essentials of, 202-203 Causes of the failure of, 203 Errors in views of western writers on, 203 Realistic approach to, 204 And Gandhism, 283-285 DEPRESSED CLASSES Reaction to Montford scheme, 14-16, 17 Scheme of political safeguards for the protection of , 41-52 Gandhi’s explanation of Congress attitude to, 56-57 Gandhi’s claim to be their representative, 64-65 Gandhi’s reaction to recognition of separate political entity of, 68-69, 70-71 Communal decision regarding, 80-82 Benefits from Poona Pact and from Communal Award to, 90-91 INDEX

385 WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES : INDEX Lossin elections under Poona Pact, 95 Non-representation in Provincial cabinets, 95-97 Difficulties in contests with Congress, 162-165 Non-participation in the ‘ fight for freedom,’ 167-168 Their conception of freedom, 168-170 Constitutional safeguards condition precedent to co-operation with Congress, 170, 171-173 Fight for freedom of negro slaves, lesson thereof, 173-177 Suspicions about Congress fight for freedom without communal settlement, 178 Want Congress to put to test British promise, 179-180 Real issue of controversy with Congress, 181, 232 Are they Hindus ? 183-189 Their own view of their own problem, 189-191 —and social divisions in Europe—a difference, 191-194 Is Untouchabilty vanishing ? 194-196, 198 Slavery versus their economic tutelage, 196-197 —and Indian press, 200 Reasons for not challenging Congress propaganda, 200 View of governing classes’ ridicule of communal reservation, 228-230 Do they need safeguards, 232-233 Mahad and Nasik Satyagraha, 247 Reasons for safeguards demanded at R.T.C., 248-249 Reasons for regarding Gandhi neither earnest, honest and- sincere nor friend and ally, 254, 257, 260 Lot under rule of Gandhism, 293-294, 296-297 Minorities Pact, 307 Pronouncements of British Government recognising their separate entity, 323-331 Political demands, 346-353 Constituencies, seats and voting strength Province by Province, 356366 [vide also Election] DKSAI, BHULABHAI Support. to Congress resolution on Depressed Classes, 2 DICEY, A. V. Limitations on sovereignty of Independent States, 213-214 ELECTIONS Primary elections under Poona Pact, 91-92 Congress Parliamentary Board’s principles in selecting candidates for 100-101, 222 Congress strength in Provincial Assemblies and Councils according to 1936—(Tables, 6-7), 147 Abstract of votes cast for Congress and non-Congress parties (Table, 8), 148 Disabilities of non-Congress candidates in, 149 Explanation of Indian electoral system, 150-155 Examination of the returns of, 156-161 Joint electorate versus separate electorate, 191 Classification of Congress members of Provincial Assemblies by castes and occupations (tables), 219-220 Composition of cabinets in Congress provinces (table), 221 Classification of Parliamentary secretaries in Congress provinces (table), 223 Particulars re—to seats reserved for Scheduled castes Province by Province, 366-368 FISCHER, Louis Congress finances, 208, 209 FOREIGNER Attitude to Congress, 167 Charge against Untouchables and its falsity, 167 Reasons of support for Congress, 199,201-202 Basic considerations of Indian politics he must know, 231-234 Three groups, 234 Indifference of foreign radicals to Indian Depressed Classes, 235-238 GANDHI, M. K. Transformation of Congress policy, 19, 166-167 Bardoli programme, 19-20, 243-244 Profession and practice re abolition of Untouphability, 36-39 As representative to R.T.C., 55-56 Attitude to Untouchables in Federal Structure Committee, 56-57 Attempt to bypass Untouchables by pact with Muslims, 58-67, 71-74 Reaction to Minorities Pact, 68-69 Opposition to claims for political safeguards to Untouchables, 70-71, 249, 269-270, 272-273 Threat to revive Civil Disobedience movement and arrest, 77 Letter to Secretary of State opposing claims of Untouchables, 77-79 Attempt to get Communal Award revised—letter to Prime Minister and reply, 82-87 Protest by fast, 87-88, 259

386 DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR : WRITINGS AND SPEECHES Determination to exclude Untouchables from cabinets, 98-100 His Depressed Class welfare activity, 104-107 Opposition to Untouchables entering Hindu temples before 1932, 107 Reasons for support to Temple-entry movement, 107 Unrealised threat of fast re Guru-vayur temple satyagraha, 115-117, 250 Temple Entry Bill, a touchstone of his sincerity, 117-125, 250 Establishment of Harijan Sevak Sangh, 126, 250 Collection of funds for Harijan Sevak Sangh, 129 Justification of exclusion of Untouchables from management of Harijan Sevak Sangh, 142 Content with Provincial autonomy at R.T.C. (footnote), 179 On Congress resources, 208 Propaganda about him to beguile Untouchables, 239-240 First realisation of sin of Untouchability, 240-241 A Biographical note, 242-243,244-245 Opportunity to advance anti-Untouchability campaign lost, 246 Condemns satyagraha by Untouchables to establish rights, 247-248 Fourteen questions on his antiUntouchability activities, 251-254 Examination of earnestness, honesty and sincerity of attitude to Untouchables, 254-258, 260 Admits Depressed Classes to be minority, 257-258 Was the fast heroic ? 259-260 Failure of anti-Untoucliability campaign, 261-262 Kavitha incident, 264-265 Attitude to Untouchables contrasted with Lincoln’s to Negro question, 271-272 What is Gandhism, 274-275 Views on Caste system and their examination, 275-277, 286-289 Upholding of Varna system, 277-278, 289-290 Opposition to machinery and modern civilisation, 278-279 Elimination of class war and strikes, 279-281 Views on relationship between landlords and tenants, 281 Nothing new in Gandhian analysis of economic ills, 282-283 Anti-Democratic nature of Gandhism, 283-285 Idea of trusteeship by the rich, 286-291 Idealisation of poverty and degrading professions, 291-293 Scope of his programme for removal of Untouchability, 294-295 Gandhism same as orthodox Hinduism, 295-296 As God on earth, 296 Correspondence with Lord Wavell, 343-346 Statement on Wavell Plan, 382-383 GOVERNING CLASSES Their anti-democratic role, 208-209—of India, 204 Attitude of the people to Brahmins, 205-206 In Malabar (footnoted), 205 Preponderance of Brahmins in gazetted posts (table), 206, 207 Alliance of Brahmin with Bania, 206, 208 Congressmen of—conscious of their destiny to rule, 208-209 Philosophy of Brahmanism, 215 Brahmin support to social wrongs and evils, 216 Bania, the parasitic governing class, 216-217 —in India and in other countries—a comparison, 225-226, 232-233 —in India ridicule Communal reservation, 226-229 How they obtained, power in India, 230-231 Why in vanguard of Congress movement, 233-234 HAMMOND COMMITTEE Its task, 91 Hindu contention before, 92-93 HARIJAN SEVAK SANGH Establishment of, 126 Aims and programme, 127, 250 Proposed annual budget, 127-130 Summary of its activities, 129-131 Its board, 133 Causes of hostility of Untouchables to, 131-132, Why Ambedkar retired from the Board, 133-140 Departure from the original aims, 140, 143-144 Discrimination against Mahar community, 144 Languishing institution, 251 The evil results of, 266-269 HINDUS Evidence before Franchise Committee on Depressed Class population, 75-77 Demand for compulsory distributive vote for Depressed Classes, 91-93 Confirm Poona Pact, 103 A communal majority, 169-172