Vol. 9 · pages 491–495
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
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DR. BABASAHEB AMBEDKAR :
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after the event, Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel made a speech in
Ahmedabad and said 1 :—
“The Viceroy sent for the leaders of the Hindu Mahasabha,
he sent for the leaders of the Muslim League and he sent
for Ghanchis (oil pressers), Mochis (cobblers) and the rest.”
Although Mr. Vallabhbhai Patel in his malicious and
stinging words referred only to Ghanchis and Mochis his speech
indicates the general contempt in which he holds the servile
classes of his country.
It may be well to know the reactions of Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru is a Brahmin, but he has the
reputation of being non-communal in his outlook and secular
in his beliefs. Facts do not seem to justify the reputation he
carries. A person cannot be called secular if he, when his father
dies, performs the religious ceremonies prescribed by orthodox
Hinduism at the hands of Brahmin priests on the banks of the
river Ganges as Pandit Jawaharlal did when his father died
in 1931. As to his being non-communal it is stated by no less
a person than Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya that Pandit Nehru
is very conscious of the fact that he is a Brahmin. 2 This must
come as a most astonishing fact to those who believe the Pandit
to have the reputation of being the most nationally minded
Hindu leader in India. But Dr. Sitaramayya must be knowing
what he is talking about. More disturbing is the fact that in
the United Provinces from which he hails and over which he
exercises complete authority the ministers in the cabinet of
the province were all Brahmins. Mrs. Vijaya Laxmi Pandit,
the well-known sister of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, also seems
to be conscious of herself being Brahmin by caste. It is said
that at the All-India Women’s Conference held in Delhi in
December 1940, the question of not declaring one’s caste in
the Census Return was discussed. Mrs. Pandit disapproved 3
of the idea and said that she did not see any reason why she
should not be proud of her Brahmin blood and declare herself
as a Brahmin at the Census.
Who are these men ? What is their status ? Mr. Tilak
1 Quoted by Mr. J. E. Sanjana in Sense and Nonsense in Politics— Serial
No. XII in the Rast Rahabar (a Bombay Gujarati Weekly) of 14th January 1945.
2 See his Invitation p. XVI to Jawaharlal Nehru by Y. G. Krishnamurti.
3 Quoted by Sanjann in Sense and Nonsense in Politics —Serial No. XII in the
Rast Rahabar, dated 14th January 1945,
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
A PLEA TO THE FOREIGNER
has the reputation of being the father of the Swaraj movement.
Mr. Patel and Pandit Nehru come next in command in the
Congress hierarchy after Mr. Gandhi.
Some might think that these are the individual and private
opinions of the members of the Congress High Command.
But that would be an error. Several cases could be pointed
out in which such opinions have been acted upon in election
campaigns run by the Congress.
Ever since 1919 when Mr. Gandhi captured the Congress,
Congressmen have looked upon the boycott of legislatures
as one of the sanctions for making the British Government
concede the demand for Swaraj. Under this policy, every time
there was an election in which the Congress decided not to take
part, the Congress would not only refuse to put candidates on
the Congress ticket but would carry on propaganda against
any Hindu proposing to stand for election as an independent
candidate. One need not quarrel over the merits of such a
policy. But what were the means adopted by the Congress
to prevent Hindus standing on an independent ticket ? The
means adopted were to make the legislatures objects of
contempt. Accordingly, the Congress in various Provinces
started processions carrying placards with these significant
and telling words: “Who will go in the legislatures? Only
barbers, cobblers, potters and sweepers.” In the processions
one man would utter the question as part of the slogan
and the whole Congress crowd would shout as answer the
second part of the slogan. When the Congressmen found that
this was not enough to deter persons from standing for the
elections, they decided to adopt sterner measures. Believing
that respectable people would not be prepared to stand for
election if they felt certain that they would have to sit with
barbers, potters and sweepers, etc., in the legislatures, the
Congress actually went to the extent of putting up candidates
from these despised communities on the Congress ticket and
got them elected. A few illustrations of this outrageous conduct
of the Congress may be mentioned. In the 1920 election, the
Congress elected a cobbler 1 to the legislature of the Central
Provinces. In the 1930 election, they elected in the Central
1 Fagnwa Rohidas.
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Provinces two cobblers, 1 one milkman 2 and one barber, 3 and
in the Punjab one sweeper. 4 In 1934, the Congress elected
to the Central Legislature a potter. 5 It might be said that
this is old history. Let me correct such an impression by
referring to what happened in 1943, in the Municipal elections
in Andheri—a suburb of Bombay. The Congress put up a
barber to bring the Municipality in contempt.
What a mentality for a, Governing class ! What a brazenfacedness for a governing class to use the servile class for
such an ignominious purpose and yet claim to be fighting
for their freedom ! What a tragedy for the servile class to
take pride in its own disgrace and join in it voluntarily!
The Sinn Fein Party in Ireland also boycotted the British
Parliament. But did they make such hideous use of their own
countrymen for effecting their purposes ? The campaign of
boycott of legislature which took place in 1930 is of particular
interest. The elections to the Provincial legislatures in
1930 in which these instances occurred coincided with Mr.
Gandhi’s Salt Satyagraha campaign of 1930; I hope that the
future (the official historian, Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, has
failed to do so) historian of Congress while recording how
Mr. Gandhi decided to serve notice on the Viceroy, Lord
Irwin, presenting him with a list of demands to be conceded
before a certain date and on failure by the Viceroy in this
behalf, how Mr. Gandhi selected Salt Act as a target for
attack, how he selected Dandi as a scene of battle, how he
decided to put himself at the head of the campaign, how he
marched out from his Ashram in Ahmedabad with all pomp
and ceremony, how the women of Ahmedabad came out
with Arthi and applied tilak’(saffron mark) to his forehead
wishing him victory, how Mr. Gandhi assured them that
Gujarat alone would win Swaraj for India, how Mr. Gandhi
proclaimed his determination by saying that he would not
return to Ahmedabad until he had won Swaraj, will not fail
to record that while on the one hand Congressmen were
engaged in fighting for Swaraj, which they said they wanted
to win in the name of and for the masses, on the other
1 Guru Gosain Agamdas and Babraj Jaiwar.
2 Chunnu.
3 Arjun Lal.
4 Bansi Lal Caudhari.
5 Bhagat Chandimal Gola.
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
A PLEA TO THE FOREIGNER
hand and in the very year they were committing the worst
outrages upon the very masses by exhibiting them publicly
as objects of contempt to be shunned and avoided.
VI
This mentality of the Congress High Command towards
the servile classes is enough to negative the theory that
the supremacy of the governing classes in the Congress
Provinces was an accident. There are other facts which also
go to negative the theory of accident and which are set out
in Table 23 (see page 226). They relate to the educational
qualifications of the several classes of candidates selected by
the Congress for fighting the elections. What does the table
show ? It is crystal clear that in the case of the Brahmins
the relative proportion of graduates to non-graduates is far
higher than what it is in the case of non-Brahmins and
the Scheduled Castes. Was this an accident or was this a
matter of policy ? This sort of selection is marked by such
a state of uniformity that it could hardly be doubted that
the Congress High Command in selecting a candidate had
a definite policy, namely, in the case of Brahmins, to give
preference to a candidate who had the highest educational
qualifications and in the case of the non-Brahmins and the
Scheduled Castes, to give preference to a candidate who
had the lowest educational qualifications. The difference
in terms of graduates and non-graduates does not really
reveal the real difference between the status and position of
the Brahmin candidates and non-Brahmin candidates. The
Brahmin candidates were not merely graduates but they were
seasoned politicians of high repute, while the non-Brahmin
graduates were raw graduates with nothing but the career
of second class politicians behind them.
Why did the Congress select the best educated Brahmins
as its candidates for election ? Why did the Congress select
the least educated non-Brahmins and Scheduled Castes
as its candidates for election ? To this question I can see
only one answer. It was to prevent the non-Brahmins—the
representatives of the servile classes—from forming a ministry.
It cannot be that better educated non-Brahmins were not
available. What the Congress seems to have done is deliberately
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Table 23
Classification of Brahmin and Non-Brahmin Congress Partymen by Literacy
Provincial Assemblies Castes Total Graduates Non-Graduates Matriculates Illiterates Not stated
Assam ... ... Brahmin … … 6 6 1 — — —
Non-Brahmin … … 21 15 2 — 1 9
Bengal ... ... Brahmin … … 15 14 1 — — —
Non-Brahmin … … 27 21 4 — 1 7
Scheduled Castes … 6 3 — 1 2 —
Bihar ... ... Brahmin … … 31 11 5 3 4 3
Non-Brahmin … … 39 23 4 3 8 13
Scheduled Castes … — 1 1 4 10 —
Central Province ... Brahmin … … 39 15 — 2 9 2
Non-Brahmin … … 54 15 — 2 17 1
Scheduled Castes … — 1 — — 6 —
Madras ... ... Brahmin … … 38 16 2 3 4 13
Non-Brahmin … … 90 31 3 1 7 61
Scheduled Castes … 26 1 1 1 14 —
Backward Class … … — 1 — — —
Orissa ... ... Brahmin … … 11 6 1 — 3 1
Non-Brahmin … … 20 7 3 2 7 1
Scheduled Castes … 5 — — — 5 —