Vol. 9 · pages 511–515
What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables; Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables
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which makes the governing class less antagonistic in its
composition and less antagonistic to the servile classes in
its social philosophy. In other words, the governing class in
countries outside India is not anti-social. It is only non-social.
In India where the governing class is a close corporation,
tradition, social philosophy and social outlook which are
antagonistic to the servile classes remain unbroken in their
depth and their tenor and the distinction between masters and
slaves, between the privileged and the unprivileged continues
for ever hard in substance and fast in colour. In other words
the governing class in India is not merely non-social. It is
positively anti-social.
As to the demand for reservations by the servile classes
the reason behind it is to put a limit on the power of the
governing classes to have control over the instrumentalities
of government. The governing classes are bent on giving the
reservations a bad name in order to be able to hang those who
are insisting upon them. The real fact is that the reservations
are only another name for what the Americans call checks and
balances which every constitution must have, if democracy is
not to be overwhelmed by the enemies of democracy. That the
reservations demanded by the servile classes are different in
form front the American sort of checks and balances does not
alter their character. The forms of checks and balances must
be determined by two considerations. The first is the necessity
of establishing a correlation between the political constitution
and social institutions of the country if democracy is to be
real. As the social institutions of countries differ in their form
the checks and balances in its political constitutions must also
differ. For instance, where a country is ridden by the caste
system the checks and balances will have to be of a different
sort from what they need be in a country pervaded by a spirit
of social democracy. The second is the necessity of providing
a firm flooring to the servile classes against the possibility of
their being pressed down by the governing classes by reason
of their superior power. In some countries adult suffrage
may be quite enough for the servile classes to hold their own
against the governing classes. In India unlike other countries
the governing class is so omnipotent and omnipresent that
other remedies besides adult suffrage will be necessary to give
adequate power to the servile classes to protect themselves
against exploitation by the governing classes. Looked at in the
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light of these observations, the reservations demanded by
the servile classes, though different in form from the checks
and balances embodied in the American Constitution, are
fundamentally checks and balances, and must be considered
as such by the foreigner before he forms an adverse opinion
against them.
The facts bearing on the last point namely the relation
of the Congress to the governing classes have also been
fully set out. From these facts the foreigner should be able
to see how intimate is the connection between the two. The
same facts will explain why the governing class in India has
placed itself in the vanguard of the Congress movement and
why it strives to bring everybody within the Congress fold.
To put it briefly the governing class is aware that a political
campaign based on class ideology and class conflicts will toll
its death knell. It knows that the most effective way of sidetracking the servile classes and fooling them is to play upon
the sentiment of nationalism and national unity. It clings to
the Congress because it realizes that the Congress platform
is the only platform that can most effectively safeguard the
interest of the governing class. For if there is any platform
from which all talk of conflict between rich and poor, Brahmin
and non-Brahmin, landlord and tenant, creditor and debtor,
which does not suit the governing class, can be effectually
banned, it is the Congress platform which is not only bound
to preach nationalism and national unity,—this is what the
governing class wants, as it is on this that its safety entirely
depends—but which prohibits any other ideology inconsistent
with nationalism being preached from its platform.
If the foreigner bears in mind these points he will realize
why the servile classes of India are not attracted by the
Congress brand of Swaraj. What good can the Congress brand
of Swaraj bring to them ? They know that under the Congress
brand of Swaraj the prospect for them is really very bleak.
The Congress brand of Swaraj will either be materialization of
what is called Gandhism or it will be what the governing class
would want to make of it. If it is the former it will mean the
spread of charkha, village industries, the observance of caste,
Bramhcharya (continence), reverence for the cow and things
of that sort. If it is left to governing classes to make what it
likes of Swaraj the principal item in it will be the suppression
of the servile classes by withdrawing the facilities given by the
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British Government in the matter of education and entry in
public services.
Some people hope that under Swaraj there will be a
reform of tenancy laws, factory legislation, compulsory primary
education, prohibition and construction of roads and canals,
improvement of currency, regulation of weights and measures,
dispensaries and introduction of other measures for the servile
classes. I am not quite sure that these hopes are well-founded.
Most people forget that what leads the Congress to-day to
mouth such a programme is the desire to show that the
Congress is better than the British bureaucracy. But once the
bureaucracy is liquidated, will there be the same incentive to
better the lot of the masses ? That is the question. Firstly, I
entertain very grave doubts as to how far this will materialize.
Secondly, there is nothing very great in it. In the world of
to-day, no governing class can omit to undertake reforms,
which are necessary to maintain society in a civilized state.
Apart from this, is social amelioration the be-all and end-all of
Swaraj ? Knowing the servile classes as I do that is certainly
not the fault of the servile classes. They certainly do not
intend to follow the teaching that ‘the meek shall eat and be
satisfied.’ The want and poverty which has been their lot for
centuries is nothing to them as compared to the insult and
indignity which they have to bear as a result of the vicious
social order. Not bread but honour, is what they want, That
can happen only when the governing classes disappear and
cease to have control over their destiny. The question for the
servile classes is not whether this reform or that reform will
be undertaken. The question is: Will the governing classes in
India having captured the machinery of the State, undertake
a programme for the reform of the social order whereby the
governing class will be liquidated, as distinguished from a
programme of social amelioration ? The answer to this depends
upon whether the future constitution of India will be with
safeguards or without safeguards for the protection of the
servile classes. If it will have safeguards it will be possible
for the servile classes to liquidate the governing classes in
course of time. If the constitution is without safeguards the
governing class will continue to maintain its dominance over
the servile classes. This being the issue, the foreigner should
note that the much-advertised representative character of
the Congress is absolutely irrelevant. The Congress may be a
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WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES :
A PLEA TO THE FOREIGNER
representative body and the Congress may be the body which
is engaged in what is called the Fight for Freedom ; but these
things have nothing to do with the decision of the issue. A true
lover of democracy before he befriends the Congress will demand
that it should produce its blue print of the constitution and
be satisfied that its constitution does contain unequivocal and
positive provisions for the safety, security for the life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness for the servile classes.
X
The foreigners who take interest in Indian politics fall into
two classes. The first class includes those who are travellers and
tourists who come ‘to do’ India for a short while and who are
not equipped with a knowledge of the intricacies of the Indian
Political problems, the theoretical apparatus to pronounce a
correct opinion on the attitude of the different parties to these
problems. Those who fall into the second class are the leaders
of democratic public opinion such as Louis Fischer in America,
Kingsley Martin, Brailsford and Laski whose knowledge and
equipment none can question. I would have had no regrets if
the foregoing discussion had been called for by the needs of
correcting the unthinking bias of the tourists and traveller class
of foreigners in favour of the Congress. But unfortunately the
same sort of bias is also to be found in those foreigners who
fall into the second class.
That there should be foreigners of the tourist sort who cannot
understand the intricacies of Indian politics and who therefore
support the Congress on no other ground except that which
Mr. Pickwick gave to Sam Weller—to shout with the biggest
crowd—is quite understandable. But what annoys most is the
attitude of the leaders of the British Labour Party, heads of
radical and leftist groups in Europe and America, represented
by men like Laski, Kingsley Martin, Brailsford and editors of
journals like the Nation in America, and the New Statesman
in England championing the cause of the oppressed and the
suppressed people in other parts of the world. How can these
men support the Congress it is difficult to understand. Do
they not know that the Congress means the governing class
and that the governing class in India is a Brahmin-Bania
combine ? That masses are drawn in the Congress only to be
camp followers with no say in the making of Congress policy ?
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Do they not realize that for the reasons for which the Sultan
could not abolish Islam or the Pope could not repudiate
Catholicism, the governing class in India will not decree the
destruction of Brahmanism and that so long as the governing
class remains what it is, Brahmanism, which preaches the
supremacy of Brahmins and the allied castes and which
recognises the suppression and degradation of the Shudras
and the Untouchables as the sacred duty of the State, will
continue to be the philosophy of the State even if India became
free ? Do they not know that this governing class in India is
not a part of the Indian people, is not only completely isolated
from them, but believes in isolating itself, lest it should be
contaminated by them, has implanted in its mind by reason
of the Brahmanic philosophy, motives and interests which
are hostile to those who are outside its fold and therefore
does not sympathise with the living forces operating in the
servile masses whom it has trodden down, is not charged
with their wants, their pains, their cravings, their desires,
is inimical to their aspirations, does not favour any advance
in their education, promotion to high office and disfavours
every movement calculated to raise their dignity and their
self-respect? Do they not know that in the Swaraj of India
is involved the fate of 60 millions of Untouchables ?
It would be impossible to say that the leaders of the
British Labour Party, that Kingsley Martin, Brailsford and
Laski whose writings on liberty and democracy are a source
of inspiration to all suppressed people, do not know these
facts. Yet if they refer to India, it is always to support the
Congress. It is very, very seldom that they are found to
discuss the problem of the Untouchables which ought to make
the strongest appeal to all radicals and democrats. Their
exclusive attention to Congress activities and their utter
neglect of other elements in the national life of India show
how misguided they have been. One could well understand
their support to the Congress if the Congress was fighting
for political democracy. But is it ? As every one knows,
the Congress is only fighting for national liberty and is
not interested in political democracy. The party in India
who is fighting for political democracy is the party of the
Untouchables who fear that this Congress fight for liberty, if
it succeeds, will mean liberty to the strong and the powerful
to suppress the weak and the down-trodden unless they are